Abstract

Economically Timor-Leste is one of the least developed countries in the AsiaPacific region. It is characterized by low per capita income; poor indicators of health, nutrition, education and adult literacy; economic vulnerability in agricultural production and exports; a high reliance on subsistence agriculture; and a small domestic market. In addition, Timor-Leste is identified as a fragile state. In broad terms this refers to its risk of descending into a spiral of conflict and violence. Other characteristics include a failure to legitimately control large-scale use of force and ensuring that its institutions outplay other political forces outside the state (Putzel and Di John 2012). A dramatic expression of this in Timor-Leste occurred in 2006 when the fledgling democracy, having gained independence in 2002, descended into a humanitarian and political crisis with conflict breaking out among the defence forces, police and disenfranchised youths, reflecting the fragility of its governance institutions and the rule of law. In the longer run a particular characteristic of a poor country experiencing such risk is the failure to operate an effective bureaucracy, especially its budget process, and a poor capacity to establish a presence throughout the territory, including through service delivery (see Putzel and Di John 2012). The impact of the economic and political constraints faced by Timor-Leste is more negative for vulnerable groups, including women and their dependent children. In this context, women’s opportunities to make gender equality claims inthe area of economic policy appear slim. Nevertheless, despite its constraints, Timor-Leste has been undergoing important economic and institutional changes that have created spaces for women’s claims. It is one of the fastest growing economies in the Asia-Pacific region (albeit from a low base), with an economic growth above 12 per cent due to revenues from petroleum developments (Nixon 2011). Furthermore, the government has undertaken a number of reforms in planning, policy development and budgeting. In this environment, the government committed itself in 2008 to mainstreaming a gender perspective in a major arm of economic policy: budgetary policy. This initiative forms part of the government’s broader gender mainstreaming project, which is overseen by Timor-Leste’s Secretaria de Estado da Promocao da Igualdade (Office of the Secretary of State for the Promotion of Equality; henceforth(previously in 2011. Other gender-focused institutions such as the Grupo das Mulheres Parlamentares de Timor-Leste (Women’s Parliamentary Group of Timor-Leste; henceforth GMPTL), elements of the women’s movement, such as Fokupers, Alola Foundation, Rede Feto, Asia Pacific Support Collective for Timor-Leste (APSC-TL) and other civil society groups (including Luta Hamutuk and the NGO Forum) have also been important in buttressing this strategy (see Figure 7.1). In this chapter we will discuss the gendered nature of economic inequalityin Timor-Leste and the reforms undertaken to promote economic sustainability and state resilience. We outline the institutional framework and the political actors involved in the development of a strategy of implementing a gender perspective into government budgeting. We argue Timor-Leste has achieved important forms of feminist engagement in economic policy despite its low levels of economic development and fragile state status.

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