British Invasion and Spy Literature, 1871-1918: Historical Perspectives on Contemporary Society, by Danny Laurie-Fletcher

Narratives of invasion have been stock in trade for science fiction in film and on TV for many years now. It's not hard to see how this began; at least at the conceptual level, visual SF tends not to be greatly innovative, drawing much of its iconography and subject matter from written SF produced in the 30s and 40s -- and in that time period, invasion and imperialism was something of a hot topic. But invasion narratives in visual SF are still extremely popular and prevalent even today (witness the X-Files' overarching storyline), which suggests the reasons may be not so much a matter of any lack of innovation and more an issue of some wider cultural value. To address some of the implications of this I want to turn to the British TV series, Doctor Who, which, in its twenty-five year run, explored practically every possible variation of the invasion narrative. One of the aspects of the show that both its native viewers and its "colonial" (I use the term here very loosely, and to describe fans and viewers in Australia, the US and NZ) fans seem to find especially valuable and interesting is what they invariably term its "Britishness". This Britishness manifests itself particularly in the persona of the lead character, the Doctor, an alien time-traveller who nevertheless is typically garbed in Edwardian jackets and is fond of cricket, tea, and jellybabies (though not all at the same time). Time and time again, the Doctor must save the Earth (and occasionally other planets, and sometimes the Universe) from hordes of monstrous foes. Well, when I say "Earth", I mostly mean England. In the greater London area. This is clearly demonstrated in an early story from 1964, featuring the Doctor's oldest foes, the Daleks, who have come to Earth in the 21st century to enslave humanity and mine the planet's core. The Daleks are depicted gliding unstoppably through an eerily deserted London, exterminating any stray humans they encounter. Nothing is shown of any other city or country on the planet -- we are therefore encouraged to view London as the paradigmatic representation of Earth. The image recurs through the course of the series: on every planet the Doctor visits, the inhabitants speak impeccable BBC English. The harsh budgetary restrictions and unforgiving production schedule undeniably shaped this seemingly complete insularity. And indeed the pluralistic humanism that informed the show's best episodes mitigated its insular tendencies a good deal. I think it is possible to see it as symptomatic of a wider cultural force -- the burden of Empire. It is almost inescapable that Britain's status as a fading colonial power becomes inscribed in its popular fiction texts -- and particularly SF offered avenues for the recuperation of this status through technology, for instance. Both Doctor Who and its near-contemporary, Quartermass, offered visions of Britain leading the space race with manned flights to Mars and the outer solar system. The Doctor's main foes, such as the Daleks, the Cybermen and the Sontarans, for instance, were frequently depicted in the course of the series as taking humans as slaves for labour work and experimentation. In one particular case, the slaves were all portrayed by white South African actors! Certainly a very tangled set of ideological interrelations operating out of this unease at the cost of colonialism. Ultimately, however, the vision of the Doctor, a capable British eccentric saving oppressed peoples from tyrannical governments and marauding invaders, must surely be another gesture towards the kind of cultural and moral recuperation that I've alluded to. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Nick Caldwell. "A Decolonising Doctor? British SF Invasion Narratives." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.2 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9903/who.php>. Chicago style: Nick Caldwell, "A Decolonising Doctor? British SF Invasion Narratives," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 2 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9903/who.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Nick Caldwell. (1999) A decolonising doctor? British SF invasion narratives. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(2). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9903/who.php> ([your date of access]).

More than half a century after the birth of rock, the musical genre that began as a rebellious underground phenomenon is now acknowledged as America's-and the world's-most popular and influential musical medium, as well as the soundtrack to several generations' worth of history. From Ray Charles to Joni Mitchell to Nirvana, rock music has been an undeniable force in both reflecting and shaping our cultural landscape.Icons of Rockoffers a vivid overview of rock's pervasive role in contemporary society by profiling the lives and work of the music's most legendary artists. Most rock histories, by virtue of their all-encompassing scope, are unable to cover the lives and work of individual artists in depth, or to place those artists in a broader context. This two-volume set, by contrast, provides extensive biographies of the 24 greatest rock n' rollers of all time, examining their influences, innovations, and impact in a critical and historical perspective. Entries inside this unique reference explore the issues, trends, and movements that defined the cultural and social climate of the artists' music. Sidebars spotlight the many iconic elements associated with rock, such as rock festivals, protest songs, and the British Invasion. Providing a wealth of information on the icons, culture, and mythology of America's most beloved music, this biographical encyclopedia will serve as an invaluable resource for students and music fans alike.

1. This paper was prepared with the financial help of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (grant #410-93-1400). It is a revised version of a paper presented at the XIIIth World Congress of Sociology of the International Sociological Association in Bielefeld (Germany, July 1994). Michel de Seve and Gerard Bouchard Abstract: Using data extracted from parish registers of the Saguenay Region in Quebec from 1842 to 1971, this study explores the usefulness of the Erikson and Goldthorpe model of social to describe the historical evolution of relative mobility in a frontier region. The conclusions of this study are two-fold: 1) relative mobility has only changed in minor ways between 1842 and 1971, 2) in so far as it has changed, it had converged toward the core model of social observed in contemporary industrialized societies by Erikson and Goldthorpe. Resume: A l'aide de donnees extraites des registres paroissiaux de la region du Saguenay au Quebec entre 1842 et 1971, cette etude examine la pertience du modele fondamental de fluidite propose par Erikson et Goldthorpe pour decrire l'evolution historique de la mobilite relative dans une region en voie de developpement. Deux conclusions principales sont proposees: 1) la fluidite sociale a peu change entre 1842 et 1971, 2) en autant que celle-ci a change, elle a evolue vers le modele fondamental de fluidite observe dans les societes industrielles contemporaines par Erikson et Goldthorpe. Objectives Two main theses are currently discussed by analysts of intergenerational social mobility in a historical perspective: - according to some authors (Erikson and Goldthorpe, 1992), not only contemporary industrial societies share a similar of relative mobility but this fluidity regime has mostly remained constant since the beginning of the XXth century, - according to others (Ganzeboom, Luijkx and Treiman, 1989), intergenerational exchanges between social positions in these contemporary societies are increasingly easy, even after eliminating the effects of the evolution of the social positions' distribution. Recent debates published in the European Sociological Review (vol. 8, no. 3, December 1992) show that statistical models reflecting these two conceptions explain approximately the same proportion of observed relative mobility in contemporary industrial societies (Jones, 1992). Unfortunately, as far as we know, historical data required to test both hypotheses are very rare. On the one hand, contemporary data used by Erikson and Goldthorpe (1992) or Ganzeboom, Luijkx and Treiman (1989) have been collected during the second part of the XXth Century and they can at best provide a picture of social mobility since the beginning of the XXth Century. On the other hand, recent analysis of historical data using sophisticated models as those of van Leeuwen and Maas (1996), Miles (1993) or Fukomoto and Grusky (1993) do not allow for firm conclusions concerning the changing or stable character of the during the XIXth Century: while the first two suggest that this has changed, the last one supports the hypothesis of a constant relative mobility regime. In Quebec, there exists only one study having compared the occupational mobility over a relatively long time period: Garon-Audy (1979) has examined three cohorts of young married men between 1954 and 1974 and pointed to a weak equalization of mobility odds over time. Reanalysed by Beland (1987), these data seem rather to indicate a stability in the association between fathers' and sons' positions. It seems necessary to complement these two last studies for at least three reasons: 1) the occupations of both the sons and fathers used in these studies are observed at the beginning of their careers (son's occupation at his wedding and father's occupation at the birth of his son, usually both before the age of 30), 2) the categories used for classifying these occupations do not permit comparisons with studies of other societies and 3) the period in question (1954 to 1974) is relatively short and recent. …

Espionage in British Fiction and Film since 1900: The Changing Enemy by Oliver S. Buckton, Espionage and Exile: Fascism and Anti-fascism in British Spy Fiction and Film by Phyllis Lassner

The research is to explore why racial discrimination still exists in contemporary American society. This phenomenon has been observed in its long history, but it remains unsolved in contemporary society. The research uses the case study method. Through the case study of the ethnic minority in America, the research hopes to reveal broader lessons of racial discrimination globally. As a result, this research has found several reasons from the perspectives of history, culture, and society. The research deepens our understanding of racial discrimination and racial inequality. Moreover, the research can be useful to the policymaking of governments to solve this problem.

The Specter of Races: Latin American Anthropology and Literature between the Wars

Contents: Introduction: George Gissing and the woman question, Simon J. James and Christine Huguet Part I Gissing's Complex Discourse of (New) Womanhood: Gissing and prostitution, David Grylls Gissing and women in the 1890s: the conditions and consequences of narrative sympathy, Constance D. Harsh Gissing's failed new men: masculinity in The Odd Women, Tara MacDonald Gissing's Nell: her body and his text, Roger Milbrandt At high pressure? The spinster and the costs of independence in Gissing's short stories, 1894-1903, Emma Liggins Domesticity and discipline in Gissing's short fiction, Rosemary Jann It's 'ard on a feller: female violence and the culture of refinement in Gissing's The Nether World, Anthony Patterson. Part II Gissing's Voice: A Comparatist Assessment: 'What is more vulgar than the ideal of novelists?': the metaliterary ghost in The Odd Women, Cristina Ceron Rewriting the addict: Gissings's challenge to fin-de-siecle representations of the female alcoholic in The Nether World, Debbie Harrison Knowing shopgirls: Monica Madden and Gissing's refusal, Adrienne Munich Women of letters: from New Grub Street to The Story of a Modern Woman, Maria Teresa Chialant The solipsistic heroine in 1897: George Gissing's The Whirlpool and May Sinclair's Audrey Craven, Diana Maltz 'Intriguing plebians' and hypergamous desire: Paul Bourget's Le Disciple and Born in Exile, M.D. Allen Bibliography Index.

“The Scientific Revolution” in high school world history textbooks (1949-2014) Yuer-Hsing Chi Heng-An Chen Department of History & College of Liberal Arts SUMMARY This study mainly investigated how the world history textbooks in high school have presented “Scientific Revolution” since the national government moved to Taiwan. That is, we looked into the changes and features of “Scientific Revolution” in high school world history textbooks. Through the development of world history education in Taiwanese high schools, the study first analyzed the curriculum guidelines of the middle school history. We found that since the abolishment of martial laws in 1987, because of the educational reform, the guidelines have gone through several changes. They turned to focus on cultivating the students’ world view and eliminating “European Centrism.” The concept of “Scientific Revolution” has become popular in historical studies since the end of WWII. The related studies nowadays have also started to review and rethink critically on this issue. In the world history textbooks of the Taiwanese high school, the term of “Scientific Revolution” was from nothing to something. In Taiwan, most of the world history textbooks adopted the traditional methods on describing “Scientific Revolution.” Centering on the scientists, the major axis is the revolution of Astronomy and scientific methods. In the future, regarding the introduction on “Scientific Revolution,” in addition to basing on traditional descriptive methods, we suggested to incorporate more reflections, and integrated more political and social backgrounds in the high school world history textbooks. In this way, the students can understand the history from different aspects, holding multiple historical views. Key words: textbooks, history education, high school education, the Scientific Revolution, world history INTRODUCTION Because of the technical improvements brought about by the new technology, the trends globalization were triggered, which forced us to cultivate more profound world view as well as the understanding and tolerance on multi-cultures. Therefore, recent education and learning of world history in high schools have been centered on cultivating macro world view as the primary learning objective. Among the world history textbooks, although the chapter of “Scientific Revolution” does not take up major printed pages, it is one of the very few chapters that lead students to understand the required scientific subjects from a historic perspective. For this reason, it has its value for investigating. The study mainly explored how the world history textbooks in high school have presented “Scientific Revolution” since the national government moved to Taiwan, and how historical studies and perspectives have influenced on the presentations. MATERIALS AND METHODS The present study focused on the “Scientific Revolution” presented in the world history textbooks used by Taiwanese high schools. We investigated the textbooks published from the time that the national government moved to Taiwan to the latest version of textbooks. Because these textbooks were compiled based on the curriculum standards and guidelines set up by MOE, this research also analyzed the changes of the standards and guidelines in this years. By literature review and analysis, we collected related literature on middle school history education. Moreover, we generalized and analyzed based on the main subject of the study “Scientific Revolution” in order to learn the formation, appearance, reflections and rethought on the concept “Scientific Revolution” in the academic field. Afterward, we adopted content analysis method to analyze how “Scientific Revolution” is presented in the textbook chapter. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION After 1987, because of educational reform, the purpose of Taiwanese history education had transformed from enable students to learn the position of “Our Nation” from the learning of “Foreign Countries” to equipped students with “World View.” The content had also changed from political-history-focused to cultural-history-focused, hoping to eliminate “European Centrism” and centering on the present rather than the past. Recently, there have been less political constraints on middle school world history textbooks. However, it is still a big challenge to incorporate historical study results and multiple perspectives properly in the textbooks. “The Scientific Revolution,” from the historical perspective, indicates the period from 16th to 18th century in Europe (Especially 17th century; the year 1543 is viewed as the index of its outset.) There were revolutionary developments in the scientific theories and experiments in these years, which thoroughly changed the scientific approaches. It meant the appearance of modern science. Also, thanks to these scientists, there are tremendous changes in Europeans Universal View. The concept of the term “Scientific Revolution” was originated from Jean le Rond D’Alembert in the 18th century. It was after 1939 that Alexandre Koyre formally brought up the concept. Then, Herbert Butterfield popularized the concept, so the concept became very popular in historical field in the western world. Recently, the academics have had profound reflections and rethought on it. However, “Scientific Revolution” is still a widely-used concept in history. The early versions of curriculum guidelines and textbooks in Taiwanese high school world history did not include the issue of “Scientific Revolution.” The term of “Scientific Revolution” in Taiwanese history education could be said to be from nothing to something. The related content of “Scientific Revolution” in these textbooks that appear the most often in the attached pictures is the revolution-related figures, especially scientists. There is high reappearing and continuing rate of the revolution-related attached pictures. However, the explanations on these pictures have been changing constantly, causing the phenomenon of “one picture, multiple explanations.” Beginning from Nicolau Copernicus through Galileo Galilei,and Johannes Kepler and finally Isaac Newton represented a generalization of views. The presenting approach of traditional “Scientific Revolution”, from astronomy physics, was always included as the center of content. In addition, the inductive method by Francis Bacon and the deductive method by Rene Descartes were the must-mentioned “Scientific methods.” CONCLUSION From the “Scientific Revolution” in the middle school world history textbooks, we can see that the Taiwanese world history teaching material has been renewed with the current academic research. However, the textbooks obviously revealed “fixation.” Once appearing, many fixed terms tend to reappear in the following versions, which are difficult to change, even relive. However, it is apparent that the descriptions in the textbooks still focused too much on the contribution of “Scientific Revolution,” which might be too heroic-oriented. Recently, there is only a few reflection and rethought on “Scientific Revolution” in the academic field. So far, the related content only appeared the Han-Lin Senior High School History based on the latest 2011 curriculum guideline. In the end of the research, we gave some suggestions on the future introduction of “Scientific Revolution” in the middle school world history textbooks. From the junior high school textbooks, we can still focus on introducing traditional concepts of “Scientific Revolution,” but more clear definition, time scope and background information and other related contents should be presented. In the senior high school stage, in addition to the original contents on “Scientific Revolution,” we can discuss the scientific activities at that time through the political perspectives and social background. Also, we should incorporate some reflections and rethought by the academics in the textbook. In this way, students can not only learn the historical knowledge, but also cultivate the ability to think critically at the same time.

Political and literary journalist Austin Harrison became editor of the in 1910. While holding that chair, he expanded the publication's literary scope by publishing articles on such issues as woman suffrage, parliamentary reform, the German threat, and Irish home rule. But although he edited the Review far longer than its celebrated founder, Ford Madox Ford, history has long confined him to the shadows of not only his predecessor but also his father, the English Positivist Harrison.This first scholarly assessment of Harrison's tenure at the from 1910 to 1923 shows him courting controversy, establishing reputations, winning and losing authors, and pushing the limits of the publishable as he made his Adult the most consistently intelligent and challenging monthly of its day. Martha Vogeler offers a compelling personal and family narrative and a new perspective on British literary culture and political journalism in the years just before, during, and after the First World War.Vogeler provides a revealing account of Harrison the editor - his writings and opinions, his public life and relations - as she also traces the complex relationship between a son and his famous father. Balancing a scholar's attention to detail and a fine writer's eye for style, she relates Harrison's improbable friendships with the notorious Frank Harris and the outrageous Aleister Crowley. And she has mined Harrison's correspondence to lend insight into the careers of such writers as Ford Madox Ford, D. H. Lawrence, H. G. Wells, Joseph Conrad, John Masefield, Bernard Shaw, Arnold Bennett, and Marie Stopes. Other figures such as George Gissing, Bertrand Russell, Lord Northcliffe, and important Irish revolutionaries appear in new contexts.Ranging widely across literature, foreign relations, national politics, the women's movement, censorship, and sexuality, Vogeler captures the themes of Harrison's era. She describes his transformation from Germanophobe before and during World War I to an outspoken critic of the punitive measures against Germany in the Treaty of Versailles. She explores the ambiguities in his engagement with modernist aesthetics and in his attempt to escape the shadow of his father while benefiting from his family's wealth and connections. Vogeler's assessment of Harrison's books further sharpens our understanding of his ideas about Germany, women, education, and Victorian family life - notably his underappreciated tribute/rebuke to his father, Frederic Harrison: Thoughts and Memories. This account of Austin Harrison's career allows us to observe a journalist making his way in a highly competitive world and opens up a new window on Britain in the era of the Great War.

This article tries to chart some of the parallels between the British Mesopotamia Campaign in the First World War and the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Both campaigns were justified by faulty or contrived intelligence; both were launched with little consideration of the future potential needs of the liberated/occupied territory; and both were characterized by a lack of planning and clear objectives. However, in spite of their obvious paternalism, several military and civilian members of the British-Indian expedition had a fair understanding of the Middle East, Arabic, Islam, tribal society, and so on; this sort of expertise was almost completely absent both among those planning, and among those running, the US invasion of 2003. While I am not entirely convinced that later generations can learn lessons from the experience of earlier ones, I am reasonably sure that few historical actors have spent very much time considering whether or how far they might in fact be able to learn such lessons from what might seem to be at least roughly comparable situations. Hardly any, it can only be imagined, could have been quite as cavalier - in this as in so many other areas - as the Bush Administration, in its ill-conceived and inadequately thought out invasion of Iraq in March 2003. In many ways, the blunders and errors of judgement, whose consequences resonate so loudly, today are eerily reminiscent of the failings of the British Mesopotamia Campaign in 1914-1917, although the very much more primitive communications and other technological inadequacies meant that the mistakes of the earlier campaign were perhaps more excusable, or more understandable, than the more recent ones of the American invasion. In what follows I will try to draw what I hope are some not too far-fetched parallels between the British invasion and occupation of Mesopotamia during the First World War and the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its aftermath. Very briefly, basing its actions largely on what turned out to be unfounded reports of Ottoman troops massing in lower Iraq, the Military Department of the Government of India despatched Indian Expeditionary Force (IEF) 'D,' to the Gulf on October 16, 1914. The Allies declared war on the Ottoman Empire on November 5, and IEF 'D' landed at Fao three days later. The scope of the holding operation that the force originally had been charged with carrying out soon became dramatically enlarged; Basra was taken early in December, and after the arrival of reinforcements the force proceeded slowly towards central Iraq. By October 1915 it had reached 'Aziziya, some 50 miles from Baghdad. At this point more Ottoman troops actually materialized, and British troops were obliged to retreat, first to Ctesiphon and finally to Kut, where they endured the bitter hardships of a five-month siege and ultimate surrender. As a result of this reversal, and as news of the appalling deficiencies of supply and medical provisions in Mesopotamia gradually reached London, the Military Department of the Government of India was relieved of its command. On February 3, 1916, IEF 'D' became the Mesopotamia Expeditionary Force (MEF), and the War Office took full charge of operations. Eventually, more substantial reinforcements were despatched; British forces entered Baghdad on March 10, 1917, and their commander's zealousness ensured the capture of Mosul some three days after the Armistice of Mudros (the end of hostilities between the Allies and the Ottomans) on October 30, 1918. In the course of the negotiations at the Paris peace conference, the governance of Lebanon and Syria was assigned to France, and that of Iraq, Palestine, and Transjordan to Britain. The entry of the United States into the war in the autumn of 1917 ensured that the straightforward colonization or imperial absorption of conquered territories would no longer be possible; hence, the former Ottoman provinces became mandates, under the ultimate supervision of the Permanent Mandates Commission of the newly established League of Nations. …

Under which conditions did introduction of women's suffrage occur before the First World War (early), and when only after the Second World War (late)? This article analyses necessary and sufficient conditions to explain both early and late introduction of women's suffrage in 14 Western European countries using Rokkan's cleavage theory, which distinguishes between four cleavages: religious, ethnic‐linguistic, class and sectoral. In addition to testing Rokkan's cleavage theory, this study adds a structural dimension to agency‐based studies on the role of the women's movement, which helps to explain why some such movements had much earlier success than others. Finally, this article advances the democratisation literature that takes the timing of the introduction of male suffrage as a proxy for the timing of the introduction of women's suffrage, as the timing of the introduction of male suffrage does not necessarily mean early introduction of women's suffrage. Based on fuzzy‐set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), the article shows that the absence of an ethnic‐linguistic cleavage is a necessary condition for early introduction of women's suffrage. Moreover, the fuzzy‐set analysis highlights that the absence of a religious cleavage combined with a class cleavage or a sectoral cleavage combined with the absence of a class cleavage is sufficient for early introduction of women's suffrage. Concerning late introduction of women's suffrage, it is the combination of a class cleavage with a religious cleavage or the presence of an ethnic‐linguistic cleavage in the absence of a sectoral cleavage that prove to be sufficient.

Reviewed by: From Spinster to Career Woman: Middle-Class Women and Work in Victorian England by Arlene Young Lise Shapiro Sanders (bio) From Spinster to Career Woman: Middle-Class Women and Work in Victorian England, by Arlene Young; pp. x + 217. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2019, $110.00, $29.95 paper. Arlene Young’s scholarship has been influential in shaping research on women, work, and Victorian culture for over two decades: in addition to editing two novels for Broadview Press (Tom Gallon’s The Girl Behind the Keys [1903] and George Gissing’s The Odd Women [1893]), she is the author of the monograph Culture, Class and Gender in the Victorian Novel: Gentlemen, Gents and Working Women (1999). In her most recent book, From Spinster to Career Woman: Middle-Class Women and Work in Victorian England, Young extends her scope to include historical and literary perspectives on middle-class women’s struggles to gain entry into two key professions in the nineteenth century: nursing and typewriting. Young approaches her subject with an interdisciplinary methodology based in close attention to Victorian newspapers and periodicals, revealing the heated debates about the transformations wrought in both fields. This is an engaging book that will be of interest to scholars in literary studies, history, and periodical studies, and to readers invested in exploring the relationship between gender and class in discourses around women’s work in the Victorian era. As Young notes in her introduction, “At the beginning of the Victorian period, to be a middle-class woman was to be a dependent—a daughter, a sister, a wife, a mother. . . . By the end of the century, middle-class women . . . could choose not to be dependent, not to be limited to a domestic life. . . . This change was little short of revolutionary” (3). To explore the cultural significance of this societal shift, Young addresses Victorian debates over the “Woman Question” in her first chapter, examining depictions of several types including “the Strong-Minded Woman, the Glorified Spinster, and the New Woman” (12–13). The latter type has been much studied, but Young usefully reorients our attention to the first two figures and to their agency and cultural roles. Florence Nightingale, the iconic “Strong-Minded Woman” in George Whyte-Melville’s 1863 essay on the topic, evokes the power associated with the intelligence, judiciousness, and attention to duty associated with this figure, one who also, Young notes, “retains essential characteristics of the ideal Victorian woman” (37). The “Glorified Spinster,” by contrast, recasts the figure of the “Old Maid” as (in the words of Frances Martin, whose 1888 essay in Macmillan’s Magazine [1859–1907] coined the term) not “a woman minus something,” but “a woman plus something” (36), and importantly, a woman defined neither by marriage nor even her career, but by “what work allows her to do and to be” (37). In subsequent chapters, Young examines the two types of employment that structure her study. The nurse and the typewriter (which was the period’s term for the woman worker herself, not solely the machine she worked on) represent for Young two distinct aspects of middle-class women’s employment: a traditionally feminine field (nursing), redefined through debates over female agency, authority, and caregiving, and a newly modern occupation (typewriting) waiting to be defined by the women workers who would come to be associated with technological capability and modern innovation. In paired chapters on the historical context and literary representations of Victorian nursing, Young debunks the myth of Nightingale as the gentle Lady of the Lamp, recontextualizing her and other influential figures as assertive and authoritative in period disputes over hospital reform. Young then analyzes a wide range of fictional narratives [End Page 447] that critique and reimagine Charles Dickens’s caricature of Sairey Gamp, the drunken and disreputable nurse in Martin Chuzzlewit (1842–44). In texts ranging from Elizabeth Gaskell’s Ruth (1853) to fictionalized memoirs and sketches published in periodicals like Fraser’s Magazine (1830–82), Work and Leisure (1880–93), and the Girl’s Own Paper (1880– 1956), to little-known novels like Elisabeth J. Lysaght’s A Long Madness (1877) and George Manville Fenn’s Nurse Elisia...

Irish Neutrality in WorldWar II: aReview Essay Timothy J. White and Andrew J.Riley Department of Political Science, Xavier University, Cincinnati, USA Brian Girvin, The Emergency: neutral Ireland 1939-45. London: Macmillan, 2006. Eunan O'Halpin, Spying on Ireland: British intelligence and Irish neutrality during the Second World War. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. Michael Kennedy, Guarding neutral Ireland: the coast watching service and military intelligence, 1939-1945. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008. Clair Wills, That neutral island: a cultural history of Ireland during the Second World War. Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2007. World War II was one of the defining events of the twentieth century. In this conflict, theAllies are typically seen as the heroic champions of freedom against the evil tyranny of theAxis powers. This narrative has brought into question Irish neutrality during the Emergency. How is one tomake sense of neutrality during a war that seemed to hold such high moral claims and seemed to compel everyone to take a stand? What could have motivated the Irish tomaintain their neutrality throughout thewar in the face of constant pressure to abandon it? In the 1970s and 1980s there were a number of books thateither defended or attacked Ireland's neutrality in World War II, primarily in the context of the Cold War.1 More recently, there have been several books and articles that assessed Ireland's neutrality policy, but few have provided in-depth cultural or political analysis of the Emergency.2 Roberts has ^arolle J. Carter, The shamrock and the swastika (Palo Alto, 1977); John P. Duggan, Neutral Irelandand theThirdReich (Dublin, 1985);T. Ryle Dwyer, ?rush neutrality and theUSA, 1939-47 (Dublin, 1977); T. Ryle Dwyer, Strained relations: Ireland at peace and the USA at war (Totawa, NJ, 1988); Joseph T. O'Carroll, Ireland in the war years (New York, 1975); Trevor C. Salmon, Unneutral Ireland: an ambivalent and unique security policy (Oxford, 1989); Bernard Share, The Emergency: neutral Ireland, 1939-45 (Dublin, 1978). 2R?isin Doherty, Ireland, neutrality, and European security integration (Aldershot, 2002), 32-42; Thomas E. Hachey,The rhetoric and reality of Irishneutrality'. New Hibernian Review 6 (2) (2002), 26-43: 31-5; Neil G. Jesse, 'Contemporary Irish neutrality: still a singular stance'. New Hibernian Review 11(1) (2007), 74-95: 75-8; DermotKeogh andMervynO'Driscoll, Ireland in WorldWar Two: Diplomacy and survival (Cork, 2004); John A. Murphy, Trish neutrality in historical perspective', in Brian Girvin and Geoffrey Roberts (eds), Ireland and the Second World War: politics, society and remembrance(Dublin,2000), 9-23; MartinQuigley,A spy inIreland (Dublin, 1999);EunanO'Halpin, Defending Ireland: the Irish Tree State and its enemies since 1922 (Oxford. 1999); Eunan O'Halpin, 4Irish neutrality in the Second World War', in Neville Wylie (ed.), European neutrals and non belligerants during the Second World War (Cambridge, 2002), 283-303: Ben Tonra, Global citizen and European republic (Manchester, 2006), 153-5. Authors' e-mail: white@xavier.edu Irish Studies in international Affairs, Vol. 19 (2008). 143-150. 144 Irish Studies in International Affairs suggested thatwhile Fisk provided the best account of Irish neutrality during World War II, what was needed was a new narrative to explain the 'complexities, contradictions, and ambivalences' of this policy.3 A new set of books has been published regarding various aspects of the Emergency. Brian Girvin, Eunan O'Halpin, Michael Kennedy, and Clair Wills have taken advantage of recently released archives to re-evaluate Irish wartime neutrality. These authors have approached this task from markedly divergent paths?Wills focusing on culture, Girvin on the political context, O'Halpin on British intelligence and Kennedy on coastal security. They provide well-written, thoroughly researched and nuanced accounts of Irish neutrality during the war. One can ascertain themost complete understanding of neutrality during the Emergency by combining the cultural, political, military and diplomatic insights these books offer. Wills and Girvin agree on the political context that gave rise to the policy of neutrality, but theydiverge in their views toward de Valera and the Irish government. Wills portrays de Valera as realistic and pragmatic in his approach to neutrality, noting thathe recognised that Ireland was a small nation thathad no business in the game of power politics and that Ireland had...

This article examines Marcel Gauchet’s claim that the political history of religion is the key to a new understanding of contemporary liberal democratic societies in the shape that they have come to assume since the 1970s. The Disenchantment of the World presents a history of religion starting out from the thesis that, from the perspective of universal history, the primary function of religion can be identified with the production of the unity and identity of societies. Present-day liberal democracies, it is argued, perform the same function through an alternative disposition of the constitutive elements of collective life. Where religions institute the identity of the society by accepting dependence upon a supernatural origin, contemporary society is organized as a ‘subjective form of social functioning’, in the sense that it is able to create and transform itself. Gauchet argues that the central structural features of contemporary society – the administrative state, the separation of civil society and the freedom of individuals, and the global orientation to the future – allow the practical accomplishment of the ideal of autonomy announced by the tradition of modern and revolutionary political thought. The explication of this logic establishes the preconditions for the criticism of these societies, by showing the historical decision and the internal articulations that give them their cohesion.

Passion is intrinsic to political identity. A recent scientific study found that when political views are challenged, the regions in the brain associated with personal identity, threat response and emotions, become activated. The psychologist, Jonas Kaplan suggested that this is because political beliefs are important to identity and are part of our ‘social selves’ and when the brain considers something to be part of itself, it offers protection.1 Whilst the neurological explanations of the connections between passion and politics are relatively recent, the study of the role of emotions in politics has had a long trajectory. The key thinkers of western political thought including Aristotle, Plato, Hobbes and Kant argued it was important to understand emotion in order to ascertain the nature of government. These views influenced Alexander Hamilton, the US constitutionalist, who asked rhetorically, ‘Why has government been instituted at all? Because the passions of men will not conform to the dictates of reason and justice, without constraint.’2 For Kant, passions were ‘illnesses of mind’ and ‘cancerous sores’, incurable because the sick person does not want to be cured.3 In contrast, Cheryl Hall has a far more positive interpretation of Rousseau's views on the role of passion in politics suggesting that it was crucial for a democratic polity and should not be constrained by reason or the law, as Hamilton later argued.4 This volume will provide an insight into the various ways in which passion and politics intersected between the 16th and 20th centuries as well as proposing the potential for new perspectives on parliamentary history. The emerging literature on the history of emotions has largely focused on aspects such as feeling, the body, identity and technology but has been more reticent on the emotion attached to and embodied within institutions such as parliament. However, as the collected articles demonstrate, parliament, parliamentarians and parliamentary politics offer fertile ground for exploring emotions such as passion (as well as others including anger, jealousy, fear and happiness). The articles employ differing interpretations and new and often interdisciplinary methodological and theoretical approaches including visual, spatial and material culture, physiological and culturally constructed responses, performativity and intersectionality. The authors draw upon a rich and diverse source base encompassing architecture, personal testimony, petitions and declarations, satire, music, sound, architecture and objects. The culmination of this research provides exciting and novel ways to interpret the history of parliament and parliamentary politics. But notwithstanding this, 'tis certain, that when we wou'd govern a man, and push him to any action, 'twill commonly be better policy to work upon the violent than the calm passions, and rather take him by his inclination, than what is vulgarly call'd his reason.5 Thus for Hume, in order to influence people, the most effective strategy is to agitate, to stir up fervour, rather than to appeal to reason. Hegel amplified this argument by stating that ‘nothing great in the world has been accomplished without passion.’6 Hegel's definition of passion was any activity regulated by self-interest because that was the main driver of change. These ideas have been developed by modern political scientists, most notably, George Marcus who has argued that passionate communication and the arousal of emotions are the essence of modern democratic politics. In his seminal work, The Sentimental Citizen: Emotion in Democratic Politics, he argued that passion is a prerequisite for the exercise of democratic reason.7 These methodological approaches have also been utilised by historians studying the impact of emotion on institutions and on public opinion. Feeling Political: Emotions and Institutions since 1789 considers how political bodies as diverse as the parliaments, criminal courts, military cemeteries and even football clubs were shaped and transformed by emotions.8 Women are creatures of impulse and emotion and did not decide questions on the ground of reason as men did… What did one find when one got into the company of women and talked politics? They were soon asked to stop talking silly politics, and yet that was the type of people to whom we were invited to hand over the destinies of the country.9 If, however, it be true that men have some advantage over women mentally, is there nothing to place on the other side of the account? Have not women more control over their passions? Do they not lead more regular lives? Are they not more sober?12 he believed that Irishmen would live together as amicably as it was possible for Irishmen to do if they were only left alone by those interested demagogues who lived by exciting the cupidity of the people and ministering to their worst passions… Government might play the Ultramontane part of disestablishing the Church of Ireland, they would not succeed thereby in inspiring the Irish peasantry with any feeling of order, loyalty, and respect for the laws. They were only swayed by their own passions and interests. The difference between the native Irishman and the Saxon was this—that Irishmen always allowed their interests to be injured by giving way to their passions, whilst the others always made their passions subordinate to their interests.13 Thus passion was a term that could be applied pejoratively to ostracise and diminish the political contributions of those on the margins of political life, whilst being used positively by those in power. John Bright and William Gladstone were both eulogised as demagogues for their ability to touch people emotionally, with their meetings and rallies often likened to religious occasions. Belchem and Epstein in their assessment of the ‘gentlemanly’ political leader, echo Rousseau, seeing the Liberal platform as being the means by which ‘the people triumphed over injustice, felt their own sense of empowerment and found a place within the political world as citizens.’14 This volume celebrates interdisciplinarity and its contributions draw on a range of approaches and methodologies; however, the history of emotions, one of the fastest growing fields of historical research, features predominantly. Its diverse application to an assortment of topics, periods, and primary sources in the articles by Berry-Waite, Hanley-Smith, Kilfoyle, Love, and Stewart demonstrate the field's versatility and its potential to shed new light on political and parliamentary culture. Historians of emotion generally agree that emotions are historically and culturally determined rather than ‘biological universal[s]’, and therefore different groups have named and experienced them in their own distinctive ways.15 What remains a constant is that emotions play important roles in social interactions, as they are ‘performed’ both through linguistic and written expression, and/or through physical gestures and appearance. Moreover, these performances (intentionally and unintentionally) stimulate bodily and psychological activity in their audience.16 Several articles in this special issue demonstrate contemporary attempts to harness and manipulate emotions to achieve political objectives, whether in person, in personal/private correspondence, in publications and newspapers, or through the use of objects. Emotions clearly provide a particularly fruitful lens through which various types of historical communication can be analysed and allow scholars to explore the connections between everyday interactions, objects, experiences, and culturally determined power and gendered dynamics. The field is renowned for its preference for theoretical frameworks, as its pioneers developed and coined concepts that scholars regularly draw on to make sense of this often chaotic and unsystematic world of feeling, including among others, ‘emotional communities’, ‘regimes’ and ‘refuges’, ‘styles’, ‘strategies’, ‘practices’, and, most recently, ‘templates’.17 Due to the plethora of appropriate source material, the history of emotions has been most readily used by scholars investigating topics such as familial and social relationships, gender, and the body. That said, it has been very effectively employed by some to better understand significant political shifts and events, including wars and revolutions.18 In his influential study, The Navigation of Feeling, William Reddy uses his concept of the ‘emotional regime’, to explain how emotion was integral to the overthrow of the French monarchy.19 For Reddy, the stability of a political system depends in part on its ability to shape and regulate the emotions of the people it governs, to engender the emotions that sustain it, and to prohibit those that do not. He argues that the strict expectations and regulation of emotional expression in Ancien Régime France, which peaked during the reign of Louis XIV, led to the development of a counterculture that celebrated sincerity and passion, and eventually became widespread enough to enable certain groups to critique and challenge the establishment. The injustice of their situation inspired real passion in the people and drove them to act and overhaul their oppressive political (and emotional) system. Several of the articles in this issue similarly reveal that political passion inspired a range of historical actors to critique and condemn the status quo, to imagine and design new systems, and in some cases, to take drastic action. Despite a strong historiographical interest in the relationship between politics and emotion, parliament as an institution has received markedly little attention from historians of emotion. And yet research on other legislative and governing institutions has proved that a focus on emotions can significantly improve our understanding of their norms of conduct, their underlying dynamics, and their position within the broader socio-political sphere.20 As Ute Frevert and Kerstin Pahl have recently argued, institutions are important sites that provide ‘guidelines for their members on how to feel and navigate emotions’, and teach ‘them which to express and which to eschew, at what intensity and through which kinds of behaviour’.21 Moreover, a range of institutions enable and encourage ‘political participation’.22 Parliament, then, as arguably the most important political institution in Britain, deserves its turn under the emotional lens. Did the emotional culture of parliament experience any significant shifts in line with the growing enfranchisement of the British people in the 19th and 20th centuries? What sort of emotional expressions were expected, encouraged, and eschewed by MPs? Did they vary depending on which House they were expressed in? How did the regulation of emotions affect parliament's gendered, class, and racial dynamics? Not all of these questions can be answered in this volume, however, Hanley-Smith's article demonstrates how aristocratic mistresses might have influenced the emotional culture of parliament by advising young MPs on how they should present themselves when addressing the House, while Berry-Waite's piece reveals that concerns about women's supposedly passionate tempers and emotional sensibilities were central to 19th-century debates about their suitability as MPs. Broadening out our investigation beyond parliament itself to explore the roles that emotions played in extra-parliamentary discussions about citizenship, ongoing debates and reform, reveals that many contemporaries who never set foot in the Palace of Westminster were extremely passionate about the business that went on in there. This issue seeks to redefine parliamentary history, by focusing on the people that we do not conventionally associate with the formal business of parliament, but who were clearly engaged with and participated in parliamentary culture in a myriad of ways. This includes the disenfranchised, women from all ranks of society, and working-class men, as well as political journalists and commentators, leading radicals, and campaigners. Despite their physical distance from the mechanisms of power, this diverse array of subjects still aspired to affect change and promote political reform: some restrained and channelled their passions in a way that could not be deemed threatening by the establishment, while others, such as the Cato Street conspirators, who are examined in this issue by Caitlin Kitchener, allowed their fury to carry them to revolutionary action. The articles are arranged broadly chronologically and cover a period spanning from the early 17th century up to the early 20th century. All take the concept of ‘passion’ as their starting point to study a range of topics that can be broadly categorised into three themes with some overlap: the various roles and opportunities for female engagement in the political and parliamentary worlds, the full spectrum of political radicalism, and the forms and spaces in which (extra-)parliamentary debate and discussions occurred. As one might expect, this broad range of subjects highlights the diverse source material that political historians are able to draw upon to engage with the history of parliament and political participation, including architecture, personal correspondence, petitions, publications, satire, and objects. This volume begins with an examination of a long-drawn out dispute that occurred between parliamentary officials and rumbled on for almost 40 years. Kirsty Wright's article recontextualises the late 16th-century ‘War in the Receipt’ by placing the dispute over administrative practices within its physical context in the Palace of Westminster; she argues that the feud was not solely personal but was political. The exchequer is not often viewed as a site of political activity, yet as Wright demonstrates, it was fundamentally tied to the mechanisms of the government. She analyses a range of material, including exchequer documentation, architectural records, and the personal papers of a number of the quarrellers, which enables her to demonstrate the agency of otherwise unknown individuals in influencing institutional reform. Her subjects, including Chidiock Wardour, clerk of the pells, and the auditor of the Receipt, Robert Petre, expressed strong opinions about how their offices should function, and they passionately challenged any rulings that they did not agree with. Her article gives us a fascinating insight into the intimate and ‘messy realities’ of everyday administration that was undertaken by mid-ranking government officials. It demonstrates the importance of space in shaping working relationships and reveals how the architecture of the Palace of Westminster, the locations and layouts of its office spaces, could inspire passionate feeling: space orchestrated interactions, exposed hierarchies, and created opportunities for surveillance and accusations of corruption. Wright's article thus demonstrates how passionate arguments between parliamentary officials, which can often be disregarded, had big implications for patronage, office holding, power and influence. Amy Galvin's article propels the volume forwards into the late 18th century by examining the evolution of women's writings on citizenship over a century. Galvin draws on the published works of Mary Wollstonecraft, Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon, Harriet Taylor, and Frances Power Cobbe, among others, to support her argument that a distinctly female understanding of citizenship developed over the course of the long 19th century and predated the official women's suffrage movement considerably. The idea of a political female identity was controversial, and many of these women faced criticism and hostility for publicising their opinions, however their passionate conviction that their words might have the power to ameliorate the legal and social status of their sex encouraged them to ‘pick up their pens’ and be bold and defiant. This ‘female’ concept of citizenship was not merely theoretical; writers emphasised its tangibility by centring it on (female) notions and experiences of honour, marriage, education, employment, local and municipal politics, and, of course, parliamentary representation and the franchise. Moreover, Galvin demonstrates the centrality of the space of parliament to discussions of female citizenship by examining how women lobbied parliament with formal petitions, and how they conceived of its power over their lives, which was manifested by its role as the place where the laws that were imposed on them were made and the social and cultural institutions that shaped their lives was upheld. Natalie Hanley-Smith's article continues to look at women's engagement with parliament but in ways that were more subtle, and as a result, have often been overlooked. She examines the letters that Lady Henrietta Ponsonby, Countess Bessborough sent to her lover, Lord Granville Leveson Gower, to gain insights into the connections between parliamentary politics, aristocratic society, and intimacy in the late Georgian period. Drawing on methodologies from the history of emotions, Hanley-Smith explores the versatile role of the political mistress, a position fulfilled by several aristocratic women in the late Georgian period, who simultaneously held the titles of wife and mistress to different MPs. The case study is of particular interest because of the unconventional dynamics that existed between the two lovers: by time their affair began in the mid-1790s, the countess had been embroiled in Whig party operations for around 15 years. In contrast, Leveson Gower, who came from a Tory family, was just beginning his parliamentary career, and gave his maiden speech in 1798. The countess was more experienced in (extra-)parliamentary culture than her lover, which invested her with a limited degree of authority that allowed her to advise him on how to present himself in the house of commons and how to manage his in the early of his parliamentary She was also very passionate about politics and held very different opinions to Leveson on many that were in parliament in the late and her discussions of their demonstrate her and the range of she had at her to navigate Hanley-Smith reveals that Bessborough a of and loyalty, that was used by aristocratic to her political and present it in a to Leveson Caitlin examines the that the Cato Street and the public of its in by their for the of the a of a to the Lord and to his while they were at The was because the had from the Street who the where the were to their article explores how both the and the were in culture for a range of who were all of the most unconventional to in this volume, draws on to interpret this in history and argues that the culture the Cato Street allowed the public to engage with radicalism, and in a but in They reveal that the was a site of public and became a for but that it was also with were between the as a place where men had to political and to that to be for the of the and parliament This idea of the as the site of an parliament is in George which provides an for the cover of this with a of of the bodies of the radicals, which they as for the which not to that the bodies themselves might act as for at a time when they felt it was crucial to The about the threat of also in article about the that were to members of the in the to the other of the spectrum than that by subjects, examines how material culture was used effectively by the to regulate and to it into forms of She on the of which several in and explores how they part of a culture that the used to a of to support and support for the The in their being made in and in order to within the while giving a sense of and a to its argues that the as a of the politics of the and its leader, views on political were more than one might The were to in their working-class members a particular type of one that was and and that they could was of the full of article provides a significant to the field of and working-class politics, which is often in from the history of parliament. The focus shifts from the working to expressions of political and in article on the She examines that were published in and how (extra-)parliamentary discussions were beyond journalists were far from the and of the and they their with the of social and political reform. passion was and inspired and their at the and of the political them to up their to their In of this, their political has often been in the because of their as played important roles in contemporary political and allowed authors to in a that their and writings were and were to political and in their the importance of passion in not only did emotion her subjects into action, but their upon their ability to inspire emotional in their In many journalists to Galvin's female they were to to the of their political and their publications them with the to their article also the political power of she examines the Irish a that was by women who were on their as and A place in at the time as the in the which was by the British government in The women's emphasised their to support their which has led scholars to the as a that women's roles as to In contrast, Stewart argues that the lens of passion reveals that the was a and and demonstrates that the women were political in their own to the movement encouraged women to and and them a way to express their Moreover, their to the the of Irish women in the early 20th century. Stewart that the act of their made these women political but many to about their to the of their Love, Stewart also considers the of her source and how its diverse engaged with it and constructed She that many Irish women were more invested in the than they were in the for women's and that their members of the women's suffrage including the as they believed the women's subordinate and position in the of politics. Berry-Waite's also highlights within the women's Her which this volume, examines debates and of women MPs the of was in was to allow women to in parliament, the for women's however, the idea was in parliament in the late 19th century. Drawing on a range of primary sources by and both the suffrage and argues that women's supposedly passionate nature was used to their political and to their and physical to She ‘passion’ at its sense and considers how gendered discussions of a range of emotions, including and anger, were employed to opinions about women's or to in parliament. She explores the issue by the parliamentary of as a case Taylor, who was the of Harriet as the for in the Her did from both the and the suffrage a controversial, and to her on the of a legal and her discussions about the of female representation in parliament. Hanley-Smith's countess expressed her political passions but the countess she had more to own her political just under a century she had to in a where women were only to be The of Women a point for a volume that has emphasised the and of women's in political and parliamentary culture in that was to and to the passionate of a social are of gendered and in the of the articles we and which we have historically are to both of these concerns because we feel it is the to are by the work of the on gender, and article from all and encourage people from This is an by the of and this special issue is to their to to