Abstract

In the digital gig economy, workers generally have limited power and are disadvantaged compared to platform operators, who are usually large technology firms. Workers are often independent contractors rather than employees in this emerging form of work. While beneficial to platform companies, these arrangements place considerable risk on workers. Moreover, the structure of the gig economy presents challenges to traditional labor organizing strategies. To identify strategies used by ridehailing drivers to improve their working conditions and highlight points of intervention for policy makers and labor organizers, we draw upon an analysis of interviews and videos posted by YouTube diarists working for Uber. We find that ridehailing drivers improve their working conditions through business planning, leveraging competition between platforms, building solidarity through social media, and using technology to manage the workplace. We find that drivers favor individualistic strategies and often lack the institutional support and knowledge to benefit more fully from these strategies. We argue that local governments and labor market intermediaries offer the potential to empower ridehailing drivers and reinvigorate interest in collective action through workforce development tools if they build on the strategies these gig workers already use.

Highlights

  • This article examines the strategies that digital platform workers, Uber and Lyft drivers use to improve their own working conditions in a precarious workplace that lacks institutions of labor protection and formal collective action

  • Platforms manage drivers by distributing rides, overseeing work, and subjecting drivers to more intense competition with an expanding pool of other drivers (Lee et al, 2015). As part of their business model, ridehailing platform firms classify drivers as independent contractors, often as a means to sidestep employment standards and benefits (Rosenblat, 2018). This independent contractor model has been costeffective for ridehailing platform firms and is often viewed as offering flexibility for both the firms and drivers (Sundararajan, 2016)

  • We find that ridehailing platform drivers use strategies in four areas to improve their conditions: business planning, leveraging competition between platforms, building solidarity through social media, and applying technology to manage their workplace

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Summary

Introduction

Other smart phone applications that manage the delivery of services, have grown in popularity over the past decade. Platforms manage drivers by distributing rides, overseeing work, and subjecting drivers to more intense competition with an expanding pool of other drivers (Lee et al, 2015) As part of their business model, ridehailing platform firms classify drivers as independent contractors, often as a means to sidestep employment standards and benefits (Rosenblat, 2018). This article examines strategies used by drivers to improve their work conditions to identify challenges and find points of engagement for organizing local labor, as well as advocate for anchoring local programs and policies to the capabilities and practices of drivers in the gig economy. One set of tools that may allow local policy makers, activists, and other organizations to improve conditions for drivers working on ridehailing platforms are workforce development tools. Our article concludes by discussing how local policy makers and others can support greater organization among drivers through workforce development programs and tools

Platform workers and worker power in the gig economy
Worker power in the digital gig economy
Supporting workers and improving working conditions on digital platforms
Research data and methods
Applying technical
Business planning
Leveraging platform competition
Worker power strategies used
Personal connections and social media use
Mobilizing technology
Opportunities to support digital platform workers
Findings
ORCID iDs
Full Text
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