Abstract

Using quantitative methods, we analyze naturalistic corpus data in two sign languages, German Sign Language and Russian Sign Language, to study subject-omission patterns. We find that, in both languages, the interpretation of null subjects depends on the type of the verb. With verbs signed on the signer’s body (body-anchored verbs), null subjects are interpreted only as first person. With verbs signed in neutral space in front of the signer (neutral verbs), this restriction does not apply. We argue that this is an effect of iconicity: for body-anchored verbs, the signer’s body is a part of the iconic representation of the verbal event, and by default the body is interpreted as referring to the signer, that is, as first person. We develop a formal analysis using a mechanism of mixed agreement, taking inspiration from Matushansky’s (2013) account of mixed gender agreement in Russian. Specifically, we argue that body-anchored verbs bear an inherent feature that gives a first-person interpretation to null subjects. When a body-anchored verb is combined with an overt third-person subject, a feature mismatch occurs which is resolved in favor of the third person. Neutral verbs do not come with inherent feature-value specifications, thus allowing all person interpretations. We also explain how our analysis predicts the interpretation of null subjects in the context of role shift. With our account, we demonstrate that iconicity plays an active role in the grammar of sign languages, and we pin down the locus of the iconicity effect. While no iconic or modality-specific syntactic mechanisms are needed to account for the data, iconicity is argued to determine feature specification on a subset of sign language verbs.

Highlights

  • It has, been firmly established that sign languages are full-fledged languages ­displaying complex structure at every level of linguistic analysis, fully on a par with ­spoken languages

  • When there is role shift, third-person subjects are more frequently non-overt in clauses with body-anchored verbs (Table 3), while for neutral verbs there are too few cases to make any definitive claims – the results seem to indicate that both overt and non-overt third-person subjects are fine

  • 7 Conclusions In this paper, we have demonstrated that iconicity plays a role in constraining subject omission in two sign languages: Russian Sign Language (RSL) and DGS

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Summary

Introduction

Been firmly established that sign languages are full-fledged languages ­displaying complex structure at every level of linguistic analysis, fully on a par with ­spoken languages (see e.g. Sandler & Lillo-Martin 2006). Been firmly established that sign languages are full-fledged languages ­displaying complex structure at every level of linguistic analysis, fully on a par with ­spoken languages Sandler & Lillo-Martin 2006). By attempting to determine the limits of cross-modal similarity, this enterprise can only be expected to lead to a deeper understanding of human language (Sandler & Lillo-Martin 2006; Sandler 2010). Many languages – both ­spoken and signed – allow for pro-drop of arguments. We show that subject drop in two sign languages, German Sign Language (DGS) and Russian Sign Language (RSL), is partially constrained in an unexpected way, which we argue is an iconicity effect. We propose a theoretical analysis which can account for subject-drop patterns we find in

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