Abstract
Recently, there has been increase in number of experiencing homelessness. This is particularly true among unsheltered Nationally, most recent Point in Time Count estimates available state that on a single night in January 649,917 individuals were homeless, increase of 1.2 percent over previous year. While count of sheltered individuals remained same, count of unsheltered individuals increased nearly 3 percent (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development 2011). Although a three per cent increase in a year may seem small, increased visibility of on our streets has resulted in many cities and municipalities to enact laws and ordinances to try and curb visibility.Domiciled individuals often see many individuals, or individuals that appear to be homeless, on their daily commutes. People assumed to be homeless, that is with unkempt appearances or those often in public places, are often generalized and associated with other stigmatized conditions such as substance abuse and mental illness (Phelan, Link, Moore, et al. 1997). In witnessing in public settings, many domiciled individuals have complained, which has resulted in many cities reacting by passing legislation to restrict where are allowed to be (Donley and Wright 2008). While striving to rid their city streets of individuals, local governments strive to reduce visibility of by implementing anti-homeless legislation, but not solve issue of through effective solutions (Wilson 2005).Measures criminalizing have, and continue to be, well documented (Wilson 2005; Donley and Wright 2008; National Coalition for Homeless and National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty, 2009). The present study examines issue of visibility from perspective of individuals through use of semi-structured interviews. Specifically, this study asks if they experience stigma based on their housing status and if so, strategies they use to lessen stigma of being a person living on streets. While it has been well-documented that cities have and continue to try to decrease visibility of people, do themselves try to reduce their visibility as a person? Theoretically this study relies heavily on work of Erving Gofftnan. In particular our focus is on potential impact of stigma and personal fronts that may be used by men residing in a small city in Florida that is currently undergoing urban revitalization and image transformation.THEORETICAL ORIENTATIONIn his text, Stigma: Notes on Management of Spoiled Identity, Erving Gofftnan (1963) presents a theory of stigma for a concept that has arguably been around for thousands of years. For Gofftnan, stigma can occur if one of three things is present The first is physical differences, such as being in a wheelchair or being amputee. The second is a blemish of character, which refers to such conditions as mental illness or having a substance abuse problem. The third area refers to defects of tribal, national or religious affiliation. This area generally refers to ascribed statuses such as race or ethnicity.Homeless can be affected with traits stemming from each of three areas that can result in stigma. Being in and of itself falls into second category as it is assumed to be a defect of character by many members of society. Moreover, are also perceived to be a tribe unto themselves. Homeless are perceived by many to all be same, hence the and not homeless people. However, among advocates, term people experiencing homelessness is now often used, which focuses on condition rather than status of a person (National Coalition for Homeless 2007). In all types of stigma, Gofftnan states, an individual who might have been received easily in ordinary social intercourse possesses a trait that can obtrude itself upon attention and turn those of us whom he meets away from him. …
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