Abstract
IntroductionIn 1954, the landmark decision of Brown v. Board of Education ended de jure racial segregation in the United States. After years of tumultuous integration efforts during the 1960s through 1980s, Black enrollment in postsecondary education has steadily increased. For example in 1976, there were 1.033.000 Black students enrolled in postsecondary institutions. The data indicates that there are now 2.962.000 Black students enrolled, a 187% increase (Digest of Education Statistics, 2013). However, access is not always synonymous with success. Unfavorable outcomes have been evident for Black students in the post-Brown era (Dancy & Brown, 2008). Contemporarily, student success outcomes for Black men have been concerning, as indicated by dismal persistence and graduation rates in comparison to their majority male and same-race female counterparts (Newman, Mmeje, & Allen, 2012). Some critics of the Brown ruling have argued that integration led to the demise of many predominantly Black institutions that were successful in serving Black students. In particular, scholars have highlighted that while Black students attended segregated schools prior to Brown and historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) post-Brown, faculty-student interactions at these institutions were more affirming, thereby bolstering student success (e.g., Allen, 1985, 1992; Davis, 1994; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Palmer & Wood, 2012). In contrast, Black students entering predominantly White campuses post-Brown experienced psychosocial challenges from negative campus climates (i.e., racism and isolation) instigated by their White peers and faculty members (e.g., D'Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Feagin, Vera, & Imani, 1996). Clearly, Black students interactions with faculty members have played and will continue to play an important role in academic outcomes.Sixty years after the Brown ruling, community colleges serve in roles similar to some HBCUs as an open access venue for those who may have received poor academic preparation in their secondary schooling. Therefore, community colleges serve as apt sites for analysis, given these institutions serve as the primary pathway for Black students with 46.6% attending two-year institutions as compared to 42.9% attending four-year institutions (Staklis, 2010). Specifically, for Black men attending public postsecondary institutions, 54.9% of these collegians will begin their academic experience in community colleges (U. S. Department of Education, 2004/2009). Therefore, it is necessary to better understand how Black men who enter these institutions experience and perceive community college environments. In particular, attention should be given to their interactions with faculty members who, according to prior research, play a critical role in the persistence of Black men in community colleges (Wood & Williams, 2013). Bearing the aforementioned in mind, the purpose of this study was to examine factors contributing to Black male students' sense of belonging with faculty members. This study used hierarchical linear regression to examine the following research questions:1. When controlling for relevant extraneous variables, is there a significant relationship between students' perceptions of and interactions with faculty (e.g., perceptions of racial-gender stereotypes, faculty validation, faculty-student engagement) and Black male community college students' perceptions of belonging with faculty members?2. Is the relationship between students' perceptions of and interactions with faculty and Black male community college students' perceptions of belonging with faculty members mediated by their masculine and racial/ethnic identities?This study is an important contribution to the existing literature. Cole and Griffin (2013) reviewed a comprehensive body of scholarship on faculty-student interactions and a vast majority of the published research is conducted at four-year colleges and universities. …
Published Version
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