Biscuits, the Dole, and Nodding Donkeys: Texas Politics, 1929–1932 by Norman D. Brown

Abstract

Reviewed by: Biscuits, the Dole, and Nodding Donkeys: Texas Politics, 1929–1932 by Norman D. Brown Mark Stanley Biscuits, the Dole, and Nodding Donkeys: Texas Politics, 1929–1932. By Norman D. Brown. Edited by Rachel Ozanne. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2019. Pp. 592. Photographs notes, index.) The late historian Norman D. Brown had a long, successful career at the University of Texas at Austin, where he taught Texas politics, among other subjects. Brown is best known for his monograph, Hood, Bonnet, and Little Brown Jug: Texas Politics, 1921–1928 (Texas A&M University Press, 1984). His latest work, originally an unfinished, type-written manuscript edited for publication by Rachel Ozanne, a lecturer at the University of Texas, offers a well-researched and documented look at the complex characters and the divisive state of Texas politics from 1929 to 1932. The title, chosen by Ozanne, is an homage to the first book and a reference to its themes: the "biscuits" represent James E. "Pa" Ferguson's belief in giving constituents "what they wanted;" the "dole" represents the "tensions" between the Texas and federal governments over Depression-era relief programs; and the "nodding donkeys" refer to the "oil rigs that fueled the state's economy" (xi). An ongoing theme in both books is the politics of "Fergusonism." Much of the first half of this volume focuses on Ferguson's various machinations to reclaim power, either through a U.S. Senate run or by getting his wife, Miriam, elected to a second term as governor. Brown also covers the administrations of Dan Moody and Ross Sterling and their struggles to deal with both the legislature and the Great Depression amid a party split among conservatives, progressives, and Ferguson populists. Moody, a reformer at heart, represented the best hopes of Texas progressives and faced an uphill battle. Brown notes, "Although Texas has a sizable vocal liberal movement, the dominant forces are conservative" (69). Sterling, on the other hand, represented the more conservative faction of the party. Much like President Herbert Hoover, Sterling was not up to the challenges of the Depression and failed to grasp the seriousness of unemployment, equating it with laziness. By 1932, Brown notes, "Texans were ready to demand more aid from Washington—even the hated dole" (170). Thus was the stage set for the re-election of Miriam Ferguson that year. [End Page 236] Brown's rich and detailed chapters on the 1932 presidential campaign and Franklin D. Roosevelt's nomination may be among the most useful of the book to students of Texas political history because they document Texas's growing importance in national politics. A central focus is the 1932 Democratic national convention and the interplay there between John Nance Garner's campaign manager, Tom Connally, and Roosevelt's campaign manager, Jim Farley. The description of their efforts to secure support from the Texas delegation for Roosevelt's nomination in return for naming Garner as FDR's running mate is a treatise on backroom politics. Ultimately, the Roosevelt-Garner ticket put Texas back into the Democratic column, reclaiming it from its support for the Republican Hoover in 1928. The final chapters of the book, including Brown's epilogue, extend past 1932 and foreshadow the divisions that led to the defection of Texas conservatives to the Republican Party in the post-World War II years. In doing so, Brown hints at the opportunity for other historians to pick up where he left off. Biscuits, the Dole, and Nodding Donkeys is extensively researched and includes complete footnotes. The narratives are rich and detailed; no Texas political operatives of the day are omitted. Anyone who is interested in Texas politics, or is studying and researching it, should read this book. Mark Stanley University of North Texas at Dallas Copyright © 2020 The Texas State Historical Association