Abstract
As the Latino population becomes the largest minority group in the United States, it is critical that they become an integral part of all aspects of society. Increasingly, the well being of society will depend on the well being of this and other minority groups. More important, the well being of society will inextricably be linked to the health and resiliency of families and communities.In spite of early press, most notably Time magazine's proclamation that the 1980s would be Decade of Hispanics, the situation of Latinos in the United States during the past two decades has been tenuous (see Massey, 1992; Melendez, 1992; and Morales & Bonilla, 1993 for reviews). The reality is that they have faced enormous economic (Aponte, 1991, 1993; Carnoy, Daley, & Ojeda, 1993; Morales & Ong, 1993; Santiago, 1995; Santiago & Wilder, 1991), housing (Santiago & Wilder, 1991) and other social hardships (e.g., California's proposition 187: the war on immigration) which have impacted the well being of their families.During the past two decades, however, two significant trends have been noted. First, the scientific community has focused more attention on issues related to the health and well being of Latino families, as seen in the growing literature in an array of disciplinary based publications. Notably, there is a growing body of scientific inquiry in the area of Latino youth and families (e.g., Baca Zinn & Eitzen, 1993; Carrasquillo, 1991; Vega, 1990; Sotomayor, 1992; Zambrana, 1995). Yet upon closer review, a second and perhaps more disturbing trend emerges: There is only a limited focus on the paternal and parenting roles of Latino fathers. With the exception of Mirande's work (1988, 1991), little research has been conducted which examines the role of fathers in families from a paternal perspective. This is somewhat surprising given that Latino families are generally described as being allocentric or collective. In other words, families have been observed to possess a relatively strong sense of mutual empathy, trust in groups, and a readiness to support one another. While collective experience has been described as more apparent in times of stress and hardship (Baca Zinn & Eitzen, 1993; Hurtado, 1995; Ortiz, 1995; Sotomayor, 1992; Vega, 1990, 1995), it nonetheless serves as an underpinning for extended family relations.It is important to stress that while Latino families have been described as allocentric and collective, the specific roles that fathers assume within the family have not been adequately underscored. The aforementioned lack of research focused on Latino fathers does not imply a lack of parental involvement. In many Latino families, the father is central to the nuclear family constellation as well as to the extended family network, frequently assuming the responsibility for establishing extra-familial boundaries and maintaining these relationships.Moreover, the importance of extended family marks a unique aspect of Latino families--that of familialism. In addition to providing a relatively strong attachment to the nuclear family, the strong familial orientation provides a sense of solidarity while concurrently reinforcing the notion that the family is more important than the individual (Baca Zinn & Eitzen, 1993). Included in this kin network are compadres (co-parents) and padrinos (godparents) who maintain close ties with both parents and children (Rameriz & Arce, 1981). The compadazgo system represents a series of structured relationships that are constituted between adults through a kinship ritual (e.g., baptism). Adults who assume the role of either a padrino or compadre agree to play an important role in the socialization and affectional development of a child--the responsibility of co-parenting in concert with the biological parents. Thus, the paternal roles of fathers extend beyond the nuclear family to the extended family, and--by the same token--fathers are partially relieved of some of the parenting roles with the nuclear family. …
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