Abstract

This research investigated the congruence between the ideologies of political parties and the ideological preferences ( N = 1515), moral intuitions ( N = 1048), and political values and worldviews ( N = 1345) of diverse samples of Swedish adults who voted or intended to vote for the parties. Logistic regression analyses yielded support for a series of hypotheses about variations in ideology beyond the left–right division. With respect to social ideology, resistance to change and binding moral intuitions predicted stronger preference for a social democratic (vs. progressive) party on the left and weaker preference for a social liberal (vs. social conservative or liberal–conservative) party on the right. With respect to political values and broader worldviews, normativism and low acceptance of immigrants predicted the strongest preference for a nationalist party, while environmentalism predicted the strongest preference for a green party. The effects were generally strong and robust when we controlled for left–right self–placements, economic ideology, and demographic characteristics. These results show that personality variation in the ideological domain is not reducible to the simplistic contrast between ‘liberals’ and ‘conservatives’, which ignores differences between progressive and non–progressive leftists, economic and green progressives, social liberal and conservative rightists, and nationalist and non–nationalist conservatives.

Highlights

  • It is impossible to understand a person’s pursuit of meaning and goals in life—to really know him or her deep down— without taking his or her beliefs, values, moral convictions, life-story narratives, and broader worldview into consideration (McAdams, 1995; McAdams & Pals, 2006; Nilsson, 2014b)

  • Consistent with H1a, a binomial logistic regression showed that resistance to change had a substantial effect on preference for the Social Democratic party over a radical left (Left or Green) party, odds ratios (OR) = 2.50 [1.97, 3.18] (p < .001; Nagelkerke pseudo R2 = .17; ηp2 = 0.13 based on a corresponding analysis of variance (ANOVA) comparing Social Democratic and radical left supporters), and this effect was very robust when we controlled for left–right self-placement, preference for equality, and demographics (p < .001; see Table 4)

  • Consistent with H1c, social right-wing self-placement predicted preference for a social conservative party over social liberal, OR = 2.47 [1.87, 3.27], liberal-conservative, OR = 2.02 [1.62, 2.52], and social democratic, OR = 2.41 [1.92, 3.02], parties (p < .001; Nagelkerke pseudo R2 = .21, .13, and .19, respectively; ηp2= 0.16, 0.10, and 0.14), and these effects were highly robust when we controlled for left–right self-placements, demographics, and worldviews (p < .001)

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Summary

Introduction

It is impossible to understand a person’s pursuit of meaning and goals in life—to really know him or her deep down— without taking his or her beliefs, values, moral convictions, life-story narratives, and broader worldview into consideration (McAdams, 1995; McAdams & Pals, 2006; Nilsson, 2014b). Recent studies have identified distinct classes of liberals and conservatives in the USA, including libertarians, moderates, social conservatives, secular liberals, religious liberals, consistent liberals, and consistent conservatives, with unique patterns of issue preferences and moral intuitions (Feldman & Johnston, 2014; Haidt, Graham, & Joseph, 2009; Iyer, Koleva, Graham, Ditto, & Haidt, 2012; Weber & Federico, 2013) Another line of research has investigated the variability in values among left and right wingers (Hanel, Zarzeczna, & Haddock, 2018; Van Hiel, 2012), and the associations between party preference and basic personality traits and values (Barnea & Schwartz, 1998; Schoen & Schumann, 2007; Vecchione et al, 2011), in European countries with multi-party systems

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