Abstract

In this article, we examine the extent to which the influence of external efficacy on support for populist parties is conditional on the degree to which a populist party is an established player in a given party system. We do so using a two-step regression approach that allows us to investigate the varying effect of external efficacy in a multilevel setting. Making use of data on 23 European Union member states, we empirically demonstrate that the nature of support for populists varies depending on the extent to which these parties are established actors in their national party systems. This is true for Western and Eastern European populist parties. These findings make an important contribution to the broader literature on the success and survival of populist parties. They indicate that these parties do not keep up their image as radical opponents of the national political establishment the more they become electorally successful and join government coalitions.

Highlights

  • Populism is one of the most talked-about phenomena in contemporary political science

  • The dependent variable propensity to vote (PTV) was regressed on external efficacy controlling for internal efficacy, attitudes on European integration, the evaluation of the economy, attitudes on taxation and redistribution or immigration and same-sex marriage, as well as sociodemographic controls

  • We explored the effect of lacking external efficacy on populist party support on a broad empirical basis

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Summary

Introduction

Populism is one of the most talked-about phenomena in contemporary political science. Akkerman et al, 2014; Rooduijn, 2018; Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel, 2018). We add to this literature by examining the conditional role of external efficacy for the support of populist parties in Europe. While some populist parties significantly benefit from critical stances toward the political elite among their voters, the popular support for other populist parties does not rely on these attitudes (Rooduijn, 2018). In other words, is political disaffection only important for nonestablished populist parties and of less relevance for the support of more established populist parties?

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