Abstract

This article explores the effects of the UK citizenship test on migrants through the focus on the injunction to become an active citizen. We draw on qualitative interviews with 158 migrants of different nationalities who are at various stages in the process. We identify two responses. First, participants in our study drew on neo-liberal repertoires of active (knowledgeable) citizenship whereby they proved they are responsible and law-abiding agents of ‘social cohesion’ yet also simultaneously presented themselves as politically passive. Second, some participants perform critical, alternative narratives which contrast with the neo-liberal understanding of active citizenship. We note that these responses are not mutually exclusive and show the process of making sense of and positioning oneself around the competing, unsettled understandings of what counts as ‘active’ and what it means to be a citizen. The coexistence of these different responses shows that migrants going through the citizenship test process experience this policy instrument – and the injunctions on which it is based – in unsettling and contradictory ways. Through the citizenship test, and specifically the call to be an active citizen, adherence is sought to particular values – ‘British values’ – and the performance of active dispositions in a certain way. However, the neoliberal understanding of what it means to be an active citizen is also exceeded and challenged, in sometimes quite ‘ordinary’ and everyday ways. These coexisting and contradictory narratives bring to light the uncertainties through which migrants perceive the injunction to become an active citizen and the paradoxes of active citizenship more generally.

Highlights

  • The UK citizenship test was introduced by the New Labour government in the wake of civil disturbances in the northern towns of Oldham, Burnley and Bradford in 2001

  • The Independent Community Cohesion Review Team (2001) or ‘Cantle Report’ identified a lack of community cohesion as the root cause of the civil disturbances in 2001, requiring a ‘meaningful concept of citizenship’ that would foster loyalty to the nation. This suggestion was in turn taken up in the Secure Borders Safe Haven White Paper (2002), and formalised through the Nationality and Immigration and Asylum Act in 2002

  • We have argued that the coexistence of different responses to the state injunction to become an active citizen shows that migrants going through the citizenship test process experience this policy instrument in unsettling and contradictory ways

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Summary

Introduction

The UK citizenship test was introduced by the New Labour government in the wake of civil disturbances in the northern towns of Oldham, Burnley and Bradford in 2001. Our general argument is that the coexistence of these different responses shows that migrants going through the citizenship test process experience this policy instrument – and the injunctions on which it is based – in unsettling and contradictory ways.

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Conclusion
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