Australian anthropologists and World War II

Abstract

1 The exceptions are Kenneth Eyre Read and H. Ian Hogbin with particular reference to New Guinea (see Read 1947, Hogbin 1951). Work undertaken by Ronald and Catherine Berndt examining army compounds and the condition of Aboriginal labour was not published until 1987. 2 A.R. Radcliffe-Brown attended the BAAS meeting and remained in Australia for the duration of World War I; he was employed as a teacher at Sydney Church of England Grammar School (1915–17), and as Director of Education in Tonga (1918–19). See Maddock 1995. 3 See however Keesing 1945. 4 There is no comprehensive history of Australian anthropology; however, there is a considerable body of work on aspects of Australian anthropology and individual anthropologists in various journals. 5 Elkin was assisted by ‘twenty observers mostly graduates in anthropology’ (Anon. 1941). 6 Elkin to Cleland, 10 November 1943. Elkin Papers, University of Sydney: 157/4/1/23. 7 ANGAU was to put together a team of experts in Native administration: Francis Edgar Williams, government anthropologist in Papua (1922–1943), was seconded to the unit in March 1943. He was killed in a plane accident in May 1943, and thereafter the unit came under the control of ex-patrol officers of the New Guinea service. 8 The Directorate answered directly to the Commander-in-Chief of the Australian military forces, and also had direct access to the Prime Minister and the Minister for External Territories. 9 This booklet contained such racialized information as: ‘The Natives are used to us, as white men; they feel we belong, whereas the Japanese are in every respect strangers. Natives don't like strangers. Therefore their natural inclination is to side with us.’ Or, ‘The native has always looked up to the white man, he admires him because of the marvellous things that white men at large can do—make electric torches, fly in aeroplanes, etc. You may not be marvellous yourself, but he will think you are, merely because you are one of the white race.’ Quoted in Wolfers 1975; see also Powell 1996. 10 Security (Qld) to Director-General Security, 16 July 1942. National Archives of Australia (NAA): MP729/6.29/401/626. 11 Memo to the Minister for the North-West, 16 July 1942. State Records Office Western Australia: ACC993, 592/43. 12 Elkin to Prime Minister, 2 April 1942. NAA: A659, 1942/1/3043. 13 The Murngin are now called Yolgnu (word for person). Thanks to Nic Peterson for providing this information. 14 For the formation of the unit see Walker 1986. 15 Various in NAA: MP742/1, 145/1/136. Stanner was a fastidious man and conscious of his position in the military hierarchy. The young anthropologist K.E. Read, stationed at Katherine, on one occasion forget to salute him (he was in mufti) and was upbraided by Stanner (K.E. Read personal communication, 15 August 1993). A member of the NAOU recalled that Stanner was ‘very bookish. He had a very English accent, spoke meticulously, and dressed carefully. I remember sharing a cabin with Stanner […] on the train from Melbourne to Sydney. I was struck by the opulence and magnificence of his tailored wardrobe…. His uniform was immaculate and he always wore yellow socks.’ Quoted in Walker 1986: 16. 16 London: Christophers. It was slightly revised and republished in 1972 by Melbourne University Press. 17 The Anglican mission body also produced A new deal for Papua, by G.H. Cranswick and I.W. Shevill (Melbourne: FW Chesire, 1949), which recognized the ‘loyal and courageous assistance given by them [New Guineans] to Australian soldiers during the Japanese invasion’ (p. ix). 18 See Powell 2003. Powell argues that there could have been no New Guinea victory without the immense contribution of New Guineans. 19 See Gray 2001, as well as the contributions from Jane Goodale, Ruth Latukefu (Fink), L.R. Hiatt, Jeremy Beckett and J.A. Barnes in this volume.