Abstract

We find evidence that explicit (but not implicit) measures of general attitude towards protest uniquely predict normative and nonnormative political action tendencies, and behavior, over and above extant models of political action. Protest attitude uniquely predicts both the political action tendencies of members of disadvantaged groups and willingness to engage in solidarity-based action on behalf of such groups. Furthermore, we find some evidence that protest attitude is able to account for the effects of mobilization messages over a political issue; these messages increase political action tendencies by making attitude towards protest more positive. The results indicate that overall attitude toward protest reflects a wide array of affective, cognitive, and behavioral factors associated with protest that more specific, established predictors of collective political action do not tap. As such, general protest attitude offers an important addition to extant models of collective political action and efforts to examine the psychological processes underpinning political cognition and action.

Highlights

  • A number of distinctions are needed in order to make a conceptual case for the unique predictive power of protest attitude

  • 04 and .09 to overturn our conclusion that the assumptions for causal mediation are met for the normative and nonnormative action mediation models. Taken together, these findings largely replicate the results of Studies 1-3 and extend the predictive power of attitude to protest over and above the expectancy-value and identity dual pathway model and the extended coping model for both normative and nonnormative political action tendencies

  • The nonsignificant path between explicit protest attitude and normative action tendencies and the smaller, nonsignificant indirect effects of the mobilization manipulation, may reflect the smaller sample size in Study 5 and the changes made to our deliberation manipulation

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Summary

Introduction

A number of distinctions are needed in order to make a conceptual case for the unique predictive power of protest attitude. Reactions to participation in the political action, the personal rewards (versus costs) from the action, and the expectancy of deriving all three types of benefit (Klandermans, 1997; Stürmer & Simon, 2004) In this model, a belief that the people you care about would respond positively to your specific political action (e.g., protesting gender inequality), multiplied by how important this reaction is to you, would constitute your “normative motive” for political action. It is clear that a person’s identification with a (politicized) collective identity (e.g., women fighting for gender equality) is conceptually distinct from their overall attitude toward protest Taken together, this suggests that protest attitude should have predictive power over and above the expectancy-value and identity dual pathway model (see right-hand side of Figure 2)

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