Abstract

<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0cm; margin-right: 32.5pt; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-left: 1.0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";" lang="EN-US">The </span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";" lang="EN-US">distribution of the Spanish copulas <em>ser</em> and <em>estar </em>(‘be’) (specifically in the syntactic context <<em>ser/estar</em> + A>) has been generally accounted for in the literature in aspectual terms, more explicitly, in terms of the distinction between individual-level and stage-level predicates. Our claim is that the distributional properties of adjectives in the <<em>ser/estar</em> + A> structure can be better described if the scalar properties of the adjectives are taken into account, crucially those properties related to the <em>relative</em> vs. <em>absolute</em> distinction (in the sense of Kennedy & McNally 2005): relative adjectives combine with <em>ser, </em>absolute adjectives combine with <em>estar</em>. From this hypothesis, a better theory arises about aspectual composition in the domain of stative predications (in the line of Husband 2010, 2012).</span></p>

Highlights

  • The goal of this paper is to account for aspectual composition in copular structures in Spanish

  • We will claim that openscale/relative adjectives combine with ser and closed-scale/absolute adjectives combine with estar

  • That we have introduced the difference between open-scale/relative adjectives and closed-scale/absolute adjectives, we will show, how the scalar properties of adjectives determine their combination with the copulas ser and estar

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Summary

Introduction

The goal of this paper is to account for aspectual composition in

11 Note that this coercion process is not possible with eventive subjects
The mapping to homogeneous and quantized states
Conclusions
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