Article

Abstract

The article reports on a study concerning the rhetorics and practice of three IOGT lodges in the municipality of Hovmantorp in southeastern Sweden between 1885 and 1930. One of the objects was to try and find a possible explanation for the passive attitude shown by the majority of lodge members, working from the assumption that both active and passive members were equally rational in their behaviour. The passive attitudes can possibly be seen as an indication of a lack of interest on the part of members in the idea of association rather than having anything to do with alcohol as such. Another object of the study is to describe the lodges' notion of the ideal human being. One of the methodological problems with this kind of research is the lack of sources on the vast majority of the association's or organisation's members. Historical research is well aware of the problem, but even so the accounts of the ‘active’ members always tend to ‘invade’ the final interpretation of history. Their version is grounded in values that have a very fundamental impact on the national, political and academic discourse, both past and present. In order to shed at least indirect light on the actions of more passive members, the article draws largely on statistical accounts of participation in various lodge activities. These statistical data provide a broad framework for the practical actions of the lodges, and together with the negative versions provided by active members of the actions of passive members they can help to throw some light on the whole scene. The study shows that the development of the lodges' action is closely interwoven with a sharp ideological and social polarisation between active and passive members. With time the active members had to abandon their hopes and expectations of being able to create an ideal human being who didn't drink and who was well educated and who had a high level of political and social awareness; this was eventually replaced by a more pessimistic view of the willingness of passive members to improve themselves. To an ever greater extent the active members began to see themselves as the avant-garde of citizenship. This development was embedded in the logic of practice itself, where lodge meetings were characterised by continuous improvisation. The planned activities showed a firm determination to activate passive members. However their reluctance or absence meant that a small circle of veterans had to intervene in order to save the programmes. A common notion that is widely shared among both historians of popular movements and researchers is that there is at first an initial golden era of movements that eventually translates into a situation of oligarchy and bu-reaucracy. In this study we were unable to see such a golden era. From the very first meetings of the movements the lodges had a small active core and a reluctant majority. Can we learn anything from history? This is a big and difficult question. A clear parallel can be drawn from the early stages of movements to the difficulties that are experienced by political parties today to recruit new members. Another parallel can be seen in the contempt of politicians. This is possibly partly a media phenomenon. Another possible explanation is that the vast majority of people know some friend, relative or colleague who has climbed the ladders of trade unions or political parties to move up the social and economic hierarchy. Idealism may be linked with personal gain. Perhaps it is such experiences that form the basis for the passive stance that is shown by the general population, rather than lack in specific aptitudes or interests?