Arab radical politics: Al‐Qawmiyyun al‐Arab and the marxists in the turmoil of South Yemen, 1963–1967

Abstract

The modern history of South Yemen is the result of the interplay of two characteristic elements. On the one hand there is its rigid, traditional, quasi-tribal stratification and unstable political system. ' On the other, there is a certain degree of openness and change. These contradictory qualities derive from the unique encounter of traditionalism and social rigidity, with British domination; from a stable though limited relationship with the northern Arab countries and from a steady movement of emigration to, and contact with, southern overseas communities.2 Hence, the South Yemen nationalist movement grew between the influences of contradictory elements as evidenced in the various directions in which the movement developed. At the beginning of the 1960s, South Yemen already had an established nationalist activity. It included three political parties in Aden, which represented mainly the elite elements of the city; businessmen and high officials. Along the Protectorate in the countryside, tribal flare-ups, which sometimes developed into open rebellions supported by North Yemen (at the instigation of the Imam, as well as with Egyptian assistance), had become quite common since the 1950s.3 Nationwide, a well-organised trade union organisation, the 'Aden Trade Union Congress' (ATUC), acted on behalf of Aden's worker interests. Through strikes and demonstrations it acted as a socialist pan-Arab champion ousting from this position the 'South Arabian League' (SAL), a political party which had had supporters among the upper and middle classes of Aden and the Protectorate. The SAL had seen its best days during the late 1950s, after which it declined slowly, due to British persecution and the ATUC's rivalry.4 The socio-political infrastructure of South Yemen's nationalist activity was derived from a process of modernisation, enabling elements from all social classes to perpetuate old and new conflicts, influenced, finally, by'centres' and 'agencies' of nationalist agitation and inspiration. As it occurred elsewhere in the Arab world, modernisation in the fields of education, economics, administration and health was introduced by Britain with the help of a local elite of Sultans (rulers of South Arabian Shaykhdoms), Sada, (religious seniors, descendents of the Prophet), landowners, tribal leaders and elements of the newly formed strata of educated officials and teachers. Throughout the Protectorate, tribes were antagonised by this elite, after the introduction of new means of transportation and the progress of official posts, supported by a newly trained militia and army. Many tribal units found themselves deprived of traditional means of occupation, income and honour.5 Many inhabitants of the Protectorate, particularly from the Hadramawt, emigrated and formed communities, mainly in the East Indies.