Abstract
AbstractWhether the operation Agree should be taken to underlie anaphoric binding has been the topic of much recent debate. In this paper, we provide a novel empirical argument in favor of the role ofϕ-features and Agree in binding. The argument revolves around the intimate relationship between agreement and anaphora in the Turkish nominal domain, where certain complex pronominals can agree only if they locally bind an anaphor or bound pronoun. We argue that these facts can be readily understood ifϕ-features are crucially implicated in the syntactic derivation of binding. At the same time, we argue that not all binding can be reduced to Agree, based on data from Turkish PPs.
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