An Optimality Theoretic Analysis of Phonetically Motivated /n/-insertion

Abstract

/n/-insertion takes place after a consonant followed by /i, j/ in Korean. Previous studies on /n/-insertion have not systematically investigated the reason why it occurs. Thus the first aim of this paper is to answer the questions why /n/-insertion occurs and furthermore why /n/ is inserted. The second aim is to provide an Optimality Theoretic analysis of /n/-insertion. There are three points we make throughout this paper. Firstly, /n/-insertion is motivated on perceptual grounds: to strengthen the morphemic boundaries and help smoother transition in morphemic concatenation. Secondly, it is /n/ that is the least salient consonant before /i/. We conduct a phonetic experiment comparing F1 and F2 transition of /i/ after /n/ and /l/ to prove that /n/ as opposed to /l/ is the least salient consonant before /i/. Thirdly, the faithfulness constraint, Dep (salient), which has a gradient nature, plays a crucial role in the Optimality Theoretic account for /n/-insertion.