Abstract

The phonological realization of heavy syllable reduplicants in Mayo (Uto-Aztecan) depends on the location of the accent in the unreduplicated form. Because the accent shifts after reduplication this creates an opacity in the determination of the base of reduplication. This paper provides an Optimality Theoretic account of this pattern of reduplication by positing distinct alignment constraints operating over accent placement and base-assignment, thus accounting for this opacity within a non-derivational theoretical framework. The diachronic development of this pattern is also considered.

Highlights

  • Mayo, a Southern Uto-Aztecan language of Miller (1984)'s proposed "Sonoran" branch, is spoken in Sonora and Sinaloa, Mexico

  • Following the work of Hagberg (1993), the Mayo lexicon can be divided into two classes of roughly equal size based on where accent falls: the Accented class, where lexical stress is assigned to the first syllable, and the Unaccented class, where regular default stress falls on the second syllable

  • I will argue that these patterns result from the interaction of a suite of alignment constraints: different alignment constraints operating over both the assignment of the base and the placement of the accent in each of these classes of words

Read more

Summary

Introduction

A Southern Uto-Aztecan language of Miller (1984)'s proposed "Sonoran" branch, is spoken in Sonora and Sinaloa, Mexico. Following the work of Hagberg (1993), the Mayo lexicon can be divided into two classes of roughly equal size based on where accent (i.e. high tone or stress) falls: the Accented class, where lexical stress is assigned to the first syllable, and the Unaccented class, where regular default stress falls on the second syllable (by regular rule, in Hagberg 1993's framework) These two classes pattern differently with respect to reduplication. (RED2 in lc shows gemination at the onset of the affricate in the second syllable) This contrast can be most clearly illustrated by the minimal pair given in (3), which differ only with respect to which class they belong to (i.e. where the accent falls):. I will argue that these patterns result from the interaction of a suite of alignment constraints: different alignment constraints operating over both the assignment of the base and the placement of the accent in each of these classes of words

A Derivational Account
Stress-Maintenance
An OT Account
Residual Issues
Conclusions
Full Text
Published version (Free)

Talk to us

Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have

Schedule a call