Abstract

Scholars have identified four primary types of justice: distributive, procedural, interpersonal, and informational. These four types of justice correspond, respectively, to the perceived fairness of one’s outcomes, to the perceived fairness of the procedures used to determine one’s outcomes, to the degree to which people are treated with dignity and respect, and to whether individuals receive complete, truthful, and timely explanations of procedures and decisions. A significant amount of criminal justice research has examined how perceptions of justice affect attitudes and behavior (Denver 2011). Understanding how district attorneys view justice gives insight into the decisions they make including how to dispose of cases, what charges to bring against defendants, what sentences to recommend, and even how victims should be treated throughout the court process. As noted by Colquitt (2001), a large number of studies have sought to link justice perceptions to a variety of organizational outcomes, including job satisfaction, organizational commitment, withdrawal, and organizational citizenship behavior (p. 425). Nonetheless, the extant literature is lacking on conceptualizations of justice related to jury trials. Since ensuring that justice prevails is the primary responsibility of the district attorney (Felkenes 1975), this study seeks to examine district attorneys’ perceptions of justice resulting from the use of jury trials.

Highlights

  • Scholars have identified four primary types of justice: distributive, procedural, interpersonal, and informational

  • A main contribution of this study was that it focused on justice from the perspective of the district attorney, a vital yet understudied actor in the criminal justice system

  • Understanding how district attorneys view justice gives us insight into their decisions they make

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Summary

INTRODUCTION

Scholars have identified four primary types of justice: distributive, procedural, interpersonal, and informational. None of the court variables (i.e., conviction rate, jury incarceration rate) or county variables (i.e., percentage of the population living below the poverty level, percentage of people living in urban areas, crime rates, and percentage of the population that is Black) significantly predicted distributive justice. None of the court variables (i.e., the number of venire sources used to compile the venire, voir dire participation) or the county variables (i.e., percentage of the population living below the poverty level, percentage of people living in urban areas, crime rates, and percentage of the population that is Black) significantly predicted procedural justice. In Model 2, the demographic variables of age, race, gender, and the court variables of note-taking, and providing written instructions were not significant predictors of informational justice. In Model 3, the demographic variables of age, race, gender, and the court variables of note-taking and providing written instructions did not significantly predict informational justice. This is common where opinions such as agreement are ranked on a Likert scale

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