Abstract

*mbl-/*mbr- (Ratliff 2010) and *m.l(ɣ)-/*m.r(ɣ)- (Ostapirat 2016) have been proposed as reconstructions for correspondence sets that include NCL-, CL-, N-, and C- onsets across the Hmong-Mien family. Ostapirat assumes that the stop arose by a regular rule of epenthesis in the protolanguage. I examine the arguments for these two reconstructions and conclude that epenthesis in an onset is not without cross-linguistic support, but it is not the better analysis in this case. The arguments against a regular epenthesis rule for Hmong-Mien are based primarily on laryngeal contrasts in stops occurring in this position and the relationship of NCL- onsets to Proto-Hmong-Mien prenasalized stops. Secondary arguments involve exceptions to an epenthesis rule, and a reconsideration of the loanword evidence.

Highlights

  • *mbl-/*mbr- (Ratliff 2010) and *m.l(ɣ)-/*m.r(ɣ)- (Ostapirat 2016) have been proposed as reconstructions for correspondence sets that include NCL, CL, N, and C- onsets across the Hmong-Mien family

  • His proposal is supported by evidence from Chinese loanwords that fall into this correspondence set: most clearly, the word for ‘tongue’ (ProtoHM3 *mblet; Old Chinese 舌 *mə.lat > Mandarin shé), and more controversially, as will be discussed in section 4.4.1 below, the word for ‘rice’ (Proto-HM *mbleu ‘rice plant; unhusked rice’; Old Chinese 稻 *[l]ʕuʔ ‘rice; paddy’ > Mandarin dào)

  • The purpose of this paper is to examine the arguments for these two reconstructions, a matter that will concern Asianists, and to address the likelihood of a regular rule of epenthesis in an onset, a matter that may be of interest to the larger community of historical linguists

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Summary

Introduction

*mbl-/*mbr- (Ratliff 2010) and *m.l(ɣ)-/*m.r(ɣ)- (Ostapirat 2016) have been proposed as reconstructions for correspondence sets that include NCL-, CL-, N-, and C- onsets across the Hmong-Mien family, as exemplified by words with medial -l- in the following table (Chen 2013).. Ostapirat’s reconstruction of *m.l(ɣ)- and *m.r(ɣ)- assumes that the stop arose by a regular rule of epenthesis in the protolanguage.. His proposal is supported by evidence from Chinese loanwords that fall into this correspondence set: most clearly, the word for ‘tongue’ (ProtoHM3 *mblet; Old Chinese 舌 *mə.lat > Mandarin shé), and more controversially, as will be discussed in section 4.4.1 below, the word for ‘rice’ (Proto-HM *mbleu ‘rice plant; unhusked rice’; Old Chinese 稻 *[l]ʕuʔ ‘rice; paddy’ > Mandarin dào). Correspondence sets with NCL- reflexes at other places of articulation are not addressed in Ostapirat’s 2016 paper, I assume that he would treat all such correspondences the same way. The purpose of this paper is to examine the arguments for these two reconstructions, a matter that will concern Asianists, and to address the likelihood of a regular rule of epenthesis in an onset, a matter that may be of interest to the larger community of historical linguists. Secondary arguments involve exceptions to an epenthesis rule, and a reconsideration of the loanword evidence

Epenthesis between nasal and liquid as a regular sound change
NL-epenthesis in medial position
NL-epenthesis in onset position
Arguments for an epenthesis rule in Hmong-Mien
Laryngeal contrasts in the stop
NCLs and NCs
Exceptions
The loanword evidence reconsidered
Conclusion

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