'AFRICOM: Neo-colonialism Impacts the Class Struggle of Africans?'

Abstract

In this paper, the objectives and mission of AFRICOM will be examined in comparison to its actual practices to assess the true nature of its presence in Africa and its impact on the class struggle of Africans. To fully understand the interest of the United States in Africa; US foreign policy, and the establishment of United States’ Africa Command (AFRICOM), one must examine these concepts for understanding. Discussing the history of the United States capabilities, intentions and motivations is necessary for insight for interpreting the past, present, and future of Africa and its’ relationship with the US. This research will help examine if AFRICOM is an instrument of US foreign policy in the form of neo-colonialism or diplomacy and the impact to the class struggle to Africans. Kwame Nkrumah stated that neo-colonialism: “…is a greater danger to independent countries than is colonialism. …In neo-colonialism, however, the people are divided from their leaders and, instead of providing true leadership and guidance which is informed at every point by the ideal of the general welfare, leaders come to neglect the very people who put them in power and incautiously become instruments of suppression on behalf of the neo-colonialism.” Also, this paper will offer insight on if the interests of Africans and African Americans are really served by Africans. Peter Pham’s research concluded that AFRICOM has been viewed by some policymakers and commentators as a US foreign policy used to colonize Africa. Tsenay Serequeberhan concluded that the United States is plays apart in neo-colonialism. He stated: “Today, in the last decade of the twentieth century, the United States is the dominant superpower and the harbinger of a new ‘new world order’ dominated by the West (i.e., NATO). In fact, paraphrasing Lenin and Nkrumah, one could describe this ‘new world order’ as the latest, if not the highest, stage of neocolonialism in which the United States, under the guise of the United Nations, rules the world, and smart bombs enforce ‘international law’.” AFRICOM should be examined and analyzed to see if the mission of AFRICOM is meeting its objectives. Concluded by Peter Pham, AFRICOM was established to “bring peace and security to the people of Africa and promote US common goals of development, health, education, democracy and economic growth in Africa by strengthening bilateral and multilateral security of cooperation with African states and creating new opportunities to uplift their capabilities.” From Pham’s research, there are concerns from the people of Africa and within the United States that the interest of Africa is not the same under AFRICOM. To know if AFRICOM is an instrument of US foreign policy, one must analyze the US foreign policies of post-colonial United States administration with Africa and the interest in Africa to find patterns, trends, and underlying economic interests. The theoretical framework of which this research will be analyze through is the theories of power elite and dependency. The power elite theory is used as a lens to examine the interactions between Africa and its’ people and individuals of business, government, and military who are powerful and influential to make decisions concerning Africa’s cultural, economic and social well-being. The dependency theory will help explain the how developing nations, such as Africa are economically exploited by advanced nations, such as the United States. The theories will help gain insight into AFRICOM, to understand its’ true intentions and motives with Africa and its’ people. In order to understand the purpose of class struggle, and its’ connection to Africa, the history and intent must be analyzed and examined. The class struggle will be viewed through the lens of Karl Marx, Pierre Bourdieu, Kwame Nkrumah, W. E. B. Du Bois, Jacob Carruthers, Julius Nyerere, Frantz Fanon, Ali Mazrui, Claude Ake, and Chairman Mao Tsetung.