Abstract

Actuality Entailments (AEs), which are standardly described in relation to modal predicates, are known to only occur in the perfective. This article argues that modal predicates are stative and, for that reason, only compatible with the perfective if coerced. Being the reflex of an aspectual coercion, which I label ‘actualistic’, the AE phenomenon is broader than usually assumed: it obtains with modal and non-modal predicates alike. At the core of the actualistic coercion is a presupposition, in the form of a necessary and sufficient condition, whose effects can be detected, for example, under negation. EARLY ACCESS

Highlights

  • In languages which distinguish the perfective and the imperfective aspects morphologically, whenever an ability or circumstantial modal appears in the perfective in a positive matrix clause, it is possible to infer the truth of its complement in the actual world (Bhatt 1999, 2006, Borgonovo & Cummins 2007, Mari & Martin 2009, Hacquard 2006, 2009 among others)

  • We have shown that Actuality Entailments (AEs) are instances of a kind of aspectual coercion which targets modal and non-modal predicates alike

  • I submit that the calculation of the value of the variable occurs at the point where ACT composes with its two v,t arguments; the information that the possibility to buy the house is a necessary and sufficient condition for the buying becomes lost in the course of the semantic derivation, due to the incorporation of other presuppositions

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Summary

Introduction

In languages which distinguish the perfective and the imperfective aspects morphologically, whenever an ability or circumstantial modal appears in the perfective in a positive matrix clause, it is possible to infer the truth of its complement in the actual world (Bhatt 1999, 2006, Borgonovo & Cummins 2007, Mari & Martin 2009, Hacquard 2006, 2009 among others). She can.PST play of.the violin but she NEG it-has NEG done In their descriptions of AEs, previous researchers focus on modal verbs or so-called modal auxiliaries. Especially Hacquard (2006, 2009), have proposed that AEs obtain if and only if a root modal appears in the perfective (in a positive matrix clause). Focusing for the time being on its excessive weakness, the standard criterion faces an immediate problem: AEs are not always mandatory under the perfective It is possible, under certain conditions, to deny that the complement of the modal is true in the actual world, as Mari & Martin (2009) were first to show.. B. #Cet après-midi, Olga a puabil soulever un frigo, mais ne l’a pas fait.

Passé composé and imparfait
Aspectual classes
Complexive interpretation
Inchoative interpretation
Complexive and inchoative interpretations with statives
Aspectual mismatch and coercion operators
Root modals form stative predicates of eventualities
Actualistic interpretation
Ambiguity
Presupposed AEs
A necessary and sufficient condition
Examples
Two issues
Conclusion
Full Text
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