Acoustic and perceptual effects of overall F0 range in a lexical pitch accent distinction

Abstract

A speaker’s overall fundamental frequency range is generally considered a variable, nonlinguistic element of intonation. This study examined the precision with which overall F0 is predictable based on previous intonational context and the extent to which it may be perceptually significant. Speakers of Tokyo Japanese produced pairs of sentences differing lexically only in the presence or absence of a single pitch accent as responses to visual and prerecorded speech cues presented in an interactive manner. F0 placement of high tones (previously observed to be relatively variable in pitch contours) was found to be consistent across speakers and uniformly dependent on the intonation of the different sentences used as cues. In a subsequent perception experiment, continuous manipulation of these same sentences between typical accented and typical non-accent-containing versions were presented to Japanese listeners for lexical identification. Results showed that listeners’ perception was not significantly altered in compensation for artificial manipulation of preceding intonation. Implications are discussed within an autosegmental analysis of tone. The current results are consistent with the notion that pitch range (i.e., specific vertical locations of tonal peaks) does not simply vary gradiently across speakers and situations but constitutes a predictable part of the phonetic specification of tones.