Abstract
In this paper I examine patterns of irregular allomorphy in nominal stems sensitive to case in a number of nominative-accusative languages. I will argue that the data surveyed reveal a certain regularity in the distribution of irregularity across the cases in that they conform to what I call the Nominative Stem-Allomorphy Generalization. One irregular stem form is always found in the nominative (and in other cases that may be systematically syncretic with it), with all other cases sharing a single other stem form. I will show that this subsumes a clear instance of a *ABA pattern, and in fact is even more restrictive, as it also shows *ABC and (qualified) *AAB. I will situate these findings relative to recent work on *ABA patterns and on case-sensitive irregularity in noun and pronoun suppletion, and then will build on that prior work to propose an account for the generalization in terms of a structured representation of nouns and case categories interacting with locality conditions on allomorphy.
Highlights
Two types of alternations in FinnishIt is important to understand from the outset that the Nominative Stem-Allomorphy Generalization (NSAG) is not meant to apply to any imaginable change in a stem in the different case-forms of a noun, but to allomorphy for distinct stem-markers
In this paper I examine patterns of irregular allomorphy in nominal stems sensitive to case in a number of nominative-accusative languages
I will argue that at least in nominative-accusative languages, it appears to be subject to a version of the restriction in (1).4 (1) Nominative Stem-Allomorphy Generalization (NSAG) When there is stem allomorphy conditioned by case, it distinguishes the nominative from all other cases
Summary
It is important to understand from the outset that the NSAG is not meant to apply to any imaginable change in a stem in the different case-forms of a noun, but to allomorphy for distinct stem-markers. The deletion of the stem-final coronals occurs in a phonologically well-defined environment, immediately before -s, and the expected form *lapid-s would involve a consonant cluster that is otherwise unattested in Latin and is presumably disallowed by its phonology. We can understand this stem alternation as the result of a regular rule deleting coronal stops immediately before s It happens to be consistent with the NSAG, but it is not the type of phenomenon that the generalization is intended for, it does not count as support. We find that the NSAG is respected, with nominative -ec- contrasting with -Ø- in all other cases
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