A Reinterpretation of the Ute-Southern Paiute Classification

This study integrates archaeological, zooarchaeological and taphonomic results from the Chalcolithic, the earliest chronological period from the excavations at Castro de Chibanes (Palmela, Portugal). Preliminary results from the “Horizonte IA” (Phase IA1 and IA2), regarding the first half of the 3 rd millennium BC will be presented. The faunal assemblage consists of a total of 858 remains. These predominantly comprise of domestic mammals – particularly pigs, sheep and goats – which are interpreted as food supply. With low percentages of wild game, animal husbandry emerges as a central activity for these populations, complimented by marine fishing. In addition, small game hunting – mainly of lagomorphs and a few birds – is also identified. As at other archaeological sites in the region, the material culture suggests that Castro de Chibanes can be ascribed to the cultural domain of the pre-Bell Beaker Chalcolithic of Estremadura. Particularly comparative sites include Leceia, Zambujal and Penedo do Lexim, also fortified settlements with high rates of domestic livestock (suids and caprines) and extremely low percentages of wild game, in particular red deer.

Small-game hunting plays an important economic role in central Spain and some game species are key food resources for threatened predators. Small carnivores may reduce numbers of important game species. To alleviate predation pressure on game populations, management is often focused on predator control. Control methods can be non-selective, and so could potentially have a negative impact on non-target carnivore species, affecting carnivore guild composition and diversity. Using data on carnivore diversity in 70 quadrants (5 × 5 km) in a large area of central Spain with two main land uses (small-game hunting and a mixture of big-game hunting and forestry), we assessed how game management was related to carnivore diversity. Carnivore species richness was significantly lower in those areas managed for small-game hunting than in areas where other land uses predominated. The apparently least affected species by predator control was the red fox (Vulpes vulpes), the main target species of predator control. Results suggested that low carnivore species richness was linked to small-game hunting activities, which was probably associated with non-selective predator control practices. Therefore, in order to reconcile carnivore conservation and economic goals it is imperative to develop and to evaluate selective predator control techniques.

Evolutionary ecology provides a rich pool of models from which archaeologists derive expectations about prehistoric human behavior. Signaling Theory (ST) has been applied successfully in ethnographic and certain archaeological contexts. Other applications have fallen prey to post-hoc explanation of aberrant archaeological patterns. This paper evaluates the claim that big-game hunting was a costly foraging behavior when traveling great distances, and therefore was undertaken as a form of costly signaling. The central place foraging model is used in conjunction with caloric expenditure formulae, derived from human energetics and locomotion research, to evaluate the cost of travel and transport versus the returns for large and small prey items. It is shown that big game continues to yield significant energetic returns even in situations where travel costs are comparatively high (i.e., 100-200 km round-trip). Small game hunting becomes energetically costly when a forager makes a procurement round-trip of more than ca.10 km. Large game animals are the highest return prey items even when procurement distances are comparatively great because humans are physiologically well-adapted for carrying objects over long distances. While the capture of big game animals may have bestowed prestige upon prehistoric hunters or served as some other signal of individual quality, these prey animals were not overly costly in terms of energetic efficiency—even under increased travel costs. These results emphasize the difficulty of separating social prestige from optimal foraging as the basis for big-game hunting in archaeological contexts.

Context Recent declines in small game hunting participation are concerning because of the resulting decline in conservation funding generated from hunting. Combatting hunting participation declines requires understanding what impacts hunters’ satisfaction. Literature on hunter satisfaction has primarily focused on big game hunters, elements of which may not apply to small game hunters. Aims The objective of this study was to assess the impact of various harvest and non-harvest factors on Tennessee small game hunters’ satisfaction. Methods After the 2019–2020 small game hunting season ended, a sample of 15 115 Tennessee hunters and trappers was asked to participate in a mix-mode questionnaire related to their expectations, harvest, motivations, constraints, and satisfaction. Key results In total, 3994 individuals responded to the questionnaire and 1440 reported they participated in the 2019–2020 hunting and trapping season, 634 of which hunted small game. A path analysis showed that small game hunters’ seasonal satisfaction was influenced by expectations, appreciative motivations, structural and interpersonal constraints, satisfaction with the number of game animals seen and harvested, use of public land, and harvest success. Conclusion Various activity-related factors significantly impact small game hunters’ seasonal satisfaction. Implications These findings shed light on the various factors that influence small game hunters’ seasonal satisfaction and could help wildlife agencies develop programming to help retain current small game hunters. To improve small game hunters’ seasonal satisfaction, we suggest agencies focus on addressing structural constraints, fostering realistic expectations, and providing opportunities to fulfil appreciative motivations.

This paper considers the implications of different geographical population definitions in analysis of demand for wildlife recreation. Demand functions for fishing, small game hunting, big game hunting, and wildlife enjoyment are estimated for individual Southeastern states and also for a pooled sample of all the states. Statistically significant differences between the state and regional estimates of the variable cost coefficient exist in 18 of the 40 cases. Consumer surplus values derived from state cost coefficients can differ greatly from values derived from pooled coefficients.

Prehistoric man’s transition from gathering to food production was a multifaceted process, an evolutionary continuum which took place only gradually over an extended period of time. Both in the Old World and the Americas the full-scale cultivation of food crops by selectively aiding plant growth or reproduction obviously followed several thousand years of wild plant food procurement and an incipient agricultural stage of food production with minimal tillage. In South America a major threshold was passed when during the Early Holocene the Amerindian peoples of the tropical lowlands developed a mixed subsistence strategy, combining horticulture with small game hunting, fishing and the unspecialized collecting of wild plant foods and shellfish. Cultivation now involved land clearance of ‘swidden’ plots, systematic tillage and the propagation of genotypic and phenotypic variants of a large number of food plants. Under this system, known as ‘shifting cultivation’, the clearing of fields in the forest took and still takes place by simple slash-and-burn techniques while fields are cropped for fewer years than they are fallowed. The combination of horticulture, hunting, fishing and collecting has remained the major mode of subsistence in large parts of the South and Central American tropical lowlands until at present while, according to calibrated radiocarbon dates, it was introduced to the West Indies during the last few centuries BC.1

Hunting fast-moving, low-turnover small game: The status of the snowy owl (Bubo scandiacus) in the Magdalenian

This study addresses the question of stability in the empirical relationships and predictability of the logit model. It compares two long‐run forecasts offish and wildlife recreation based on the 1980 and 1985 national surveys. The results show that nonconsumptive wildlife recreation will be the most rapidly growing activity. This trend is evident in both the 1980‐ and 1985‐based forecasts, with virtually identical results being obtained for medium population growth. The historical growth in fishing is expected to continue, with growth in cold‐water fishing being more than twice that of warm‐water fishing. The 1980‐ and 1985‐based forecasts of fishing are not appreciably different, with the more recent forecast indicating slightly more growth in cold‐water fishing and slightly less in warm‐water fishing. The hunting forecasts are mixed, with small game hunting being expected to decrease slightly, big game hunting to be unchanged, and migratory waterfowl hunting to increase. In conclusion, the rep...

The assumption that large mammal hunting and scavenging are economically advantageous to hominid foragers is examined in the light of data collected among the Hadza of northern Tanzania. Hadza hunters disregard small prey in favour of larger forms (mean adult mass 40 kg). Here we report experimental data showing that hunters would reduce their mean rates if they included small animals in the array they target. Still, daily variance in large animal hunting returns is high, and the risk of failure correspondingly great, significantly greater than that associated with small game hunting and trapping. Sharing large kills reduces the risk of meatless days for big game hunters, and obviates the problem of storing large amounts of meat. It may be unavoidable if large carcasses cannot be defended economically against the demands of other consumers. If so, then large prey are common goods. A hunter may gain no consumption advantage from his own big game acquisition efforts. We use Hadza data to model this ‘collective action’ problem, and find that an exclusive focus on large game with extensive sharing is not the optimal strategy for hunters concerned with maximizing their own chances of eating meat. Other explanations for the emergence and persistence of this practice must be considered.

The assumption that large mammal hunting and scavenging are economically advantageous to hominid foragers is examined in the light of data collected among the Hadza of northern Tanzania. Hadza hunters disregard small prey in favour of larger forms (mean adult mass greater than or equal to 40 kg). Here we report experimental data showing that hunters would reduce their mean rates if they included small animals in the array they target. Still, daily variance in large animal hunting returns is high, and the risk of failure correspondingly great, significantly greater than that associated with small game hunting and trapping. Sharing large kills reduces the risk of meatless days for big game hunters, and obviates the problem of storing large amounts of meat. It may be unavoidable if large carcasses cannot be defended economically against the demands of other consumers. If so, then large prey are common goods. A hunter may gain no consumption advantage from his own big game acquisition efforts. We use Hadza data to model this 'collective action' problem, and find that an exclusive focus on large game with extensive sharing is not the optimal strategy for hunters concerned with maximizing their own chances of eating meat. Other explanations for the emergence and persistence of this practice must be considered.

Archaeologists relate increasing forager reliance on small animals and broad-spectrum resource use to environmental and demographic changes in temperate regions during Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 2, 29-14.7 thousand years ago (ka), and MIS 1, after 14.7 ka. However, little research has examined the factors that influenced small game hunting in the arid and semi-arid tropics of eastern Africa during this period. To address this research gap, we report on a large MIS 2/1 (N = 81,986) faunal assemblage from Guli Waabayo rock shelter in southern Somalia. Dates from the site show repeated Later Stone Age (LSA) forager occupation throughout the mostly arid MIS 2 and wetter African Humid Period (AHP; 14.7–5 ka). Evidence of a major lithic transition between MIS 2 and the AHP suggests changing LSA mobility patterns and economic systems corresponded with regional precipitation fluctuations. However, unusually high frequencies of small taxa (e.g., dik-dik, rock hyrax, monitor lizard) and fewer large and medium species (e.g., kudu and warthog) throughout the Guli Waabayo sequence crosscut both climatic and technological changes. These findings contrast with studies in other world regions that emphasize small game hunting in response to environmental reorganization, changing forager land use strategies, and large game overhunting.

Centralized management of large carnivore populations in rural and remote landscapes used by local people often leads to conflicts between the objectives of wildlife conservation and rural development. We tested the hypothesis that the presence of wolves indirectly reduces landowner revenues from traditional small game hunting, and that landowner revenues are more variable closer to wolf territories. The assumed mechanism is that hunters fear that their economically and culturally valuable hunting dogs may be killed by wolves, which results in reduced hunting, and thus reduced revenues for landowners where and when wolves occur. To determine the effect of wolf presence on revenues from sport hunting, we obtained data from 1990 to 2009 on income from small game management areas, in Hedmark and Oppland Counties in Norway, as well as locations of wolf territories. Small game management areas experienced increased sport hunting revenue with increasing distance to the closest wolf territory. Also, inter-annual variation in revenue decreased with increasing distance from wolf territories. Thus, wolf presence may reduce landowners’ revenues from small game hunting, and cause higher economic variability in rural communities. It is important to note that while the economic impacts of wolves may be compensated where governments have the will and the economic resources, the impacts on the lifestyles of rural people (e.g. hunter’s fear of losing prized dogs to wolves) will remain controversial.

Swedish legislation concerning firearms is highly restrictive. It is illegal to possess weapons (except airguns) without a license. From 1970 through 1982, there were 79 accidental firearm fatalities in Sweden. This number, corresponding to 0.074/100,000/year, is very low in comparison with similar statistics worldwide. Of these fatalities, 47 were associated with hunting and were studied carefully. Despite an increase in both the popularity of hunting and in licensing of weapons, on change in the number of accidents per year could be confirmed. Twenty-nine accidents occurred during small game hunting, of which 24 involved shotguns, and 18 occurred during moose hunting. The mean age overall was 46 years. All victims and shooters were men. Most accidents occurred before noon and during the autumn. During moose hunting, the victim most commonly was either mistaken for game or was standing beyond game. During small game hunting, the most common reason for death was improper handling of the weapon. Firing of defective weapons caused at least 10 fatal accidents. Alcohol inebriation was uncommon. It is unlikely that more restrictive firearm legislation would further decrease the number of fatal accidents. Instead, we believe that accidental firearm fatalities during hunting can be prevented by safer and more careful handling of weapons, including unloading weapons before transporting them; by replacing older weapons with more modern and safer ones; and by not allowing children to handle weapons. No shots should be fired until it is clarified that the target really is a game animal, and when hunting with rifles, the fields of fire should be clarified beforehand. Shooters at stand must be instructed not to leave their stands until explicitly told to do so.

Hunting, fishing and wildlife-associated recreation expenditures have played an important role in the U.S economy and help promote conservation and environmental goals. The 2006 U.S Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) survey reported 87.5 million people aged 16 and above participated in wildlife-associated recreation activities, spending $122.4 billion on trips and equipment. This spending is a 13 percent increase since 2001. The recently released 2011 National Survey of Fishing, Hunting and Wildlife-Associated Recreation reports $145 billion in expenditures on trips and equipment, which is an 18.5 percentage increase since 2006. Periodic assessment of economic impacts associated with wildlife recreation expenditures provides a consistent perspective on forest and wildlife resource management. This research quantified economic impacts of wildlife-associated recreation expenditures for the thirteen states in the U.S South by calculating total gross output, employment, employee compensation, proprietor income, other property income, and indirect business taxes. IMPLAN models were developed for each state using the 2006 National Survey of Fishing, Hunting and Wildlife-Associated Recreation data to determine the indirect and induced effects of these expenditures. Data for 2006 was used since the 2011 state level data was not yet available. The analysis computed economic impacts at broad activity levels: fishing, hunting, and wildlife watching and at sub-activity levels: fresh and salt water fishing, and big game, small game, migratory bird and other small game hunting. This approach enabled comparison of the relative importance of wildlife-associated recreation to the various southern states. In particular, the comparison revealed how differences in the individual states’ economies and levels of expenditures affect the total economic impacts of wildlife-associated activities. Differences in the impacts of various recreational activities, both among activities and among states, illustrates the importance of understanding intra-regional variations in establishing wildlife programs and policies. Preliminary results indicate that the $8.4 billion spent in 2006 by recreationists for hunting in the U.S South generated direct impacts of $5.9 billion in output and 74,012 in employment. These impacts resulted in indirect impacts of $2.8 billion in output and 17,965 in employment and induced impacts of $5.9 billion in output and 51,451 in employment. The total impact due to hunting expenditures was $14.8 billion in output and 143,429 in employment. Hunting-related expenditures generated additional employee compensation of $4.3 billion, other property income of $2.5 billion, proprietor income of $624 million, and indirect business taxes of $942 million. Hunting expenditure impacts indicate a type SAM output multiplier of 2.48. This means that each dollar of direct output generated by hunter expenditures generates an additional $1.48 of output. Similarly, type SAM multipliers for employment, employee compensation, proprietor income, property income, and indirect business taxes were estimated to be 1.94, 2.27, 2.57, 3.34, and 2.05, respectively. Fishing and wildlife watching has also generated significant impacts on regional economies and complete estimates of these impacts are forth coming.

Lead bullet fragments pose a health risk to scavengers and hunters consuming game meat, but lead or lead-core bullets are still commonly employed for big and small game hunting. Bullet fragmentation has been assessed for modern, high-velocity rifles, but has not been well documented for black-powder cartridge rifles or muzzleloading firearms. We used two established methods to estimate bullet fragmentation. We evaluated a traditional .54 round ball and a modern-designed .54 conical bullet for muzzleloaders, two types of .45-70 black powder rifle cartridges, and a modern lead-core high-velocity bullet (.30-06) as our comparison control. We tested penetration and fragmentation in water (n = 12) and ballistics gel (n = 2) for each bullet type. We measured lead mass lost to fragmentation and x-rayed ballistic gels to visualize fragmentation patterns. The modern .30-06 bullets we tested (Remington Core-Lokt) retained a mean of only 57.5% of original mass, whereas mean retention by muzzleloader and black powder cartridge bullets ranged 87.8-99.7%. Round balls and .45-70 bullets shed less lead (i.e., 0.04g and 0.19g on average respectively) than the modern conical .54 muzzleloading bullets (3.08g) or the .30-06 control (4.14g). Fragments from round balls and black powder cartridge bullets showed far less lateral spread compared to the high-velocity modern bullet. Our findings suggest that round balls for muzzleloaders and black powder cartridge bullets may leave far fewer lead fragments in game than the conical muzzleloader bullet or modern high-velocity rifle bullet we tested, and thus could pose a lower risk of secondary lead poisoning for humans and wildlife. Artificial tests cannot replicate conditions encountered in the field, but the striking differences we observed in bullet fragmentation even under severe testing conditions suggests that follow-up tests on game animals may be warranted.