Abstract
We formulate a new generalization of the distribution of ellipsis remnants. Ellipsis cannot strand functional material to the exclusion of a potential prosodic host (the Stranding Generalization). Explaining the Stranding Generalization requires a theory of ellipsis in which the prosodic needs of ellipsis remnants can be taken into account. Drawing on Match Theory (Selkirk 2009, 2011), we develop an account which locates the computation of ellipsis in the syntax-prosody mapping. Specifically, ellipsis results from an optional reranking of a constraint (DestressGiven), which forces reduction of semantically recoverable material, over Match constraints governing the realization of syntactic elements in prosodic structure. The Stranding Generalization is shown to follow from independently motivated prosodic well-formedness constraints, which in the relevant cases cannot be reconciled with the ranking responsible for ellipsis. The broader implications of our analysis, if successful, is that it motivates a view of ellipsis whereby any constraints on ellipsis beyond semantic recoverability are the result of competition between candidates for the possible phonological output of the syntactic input.
Highlights
In PF-deletion theories, ellipsis is commonly taken to involve non-pronunciation of a constituent which is ‘given,’ i.e. made salient in the discourse
We have argued for an implementation of ellipsis at the syntax-prosody interface
Deletion of a prosodic host in order to satisfy Elide will always be prevented by SubCat. This explains the Stranding Generalization. It explains why functional items can be deprived of a prosodic host by movement or base-generation, but not by ellipsis
Summary
In PF-deletion theories, ellipsis is commonly taken to involve non-pronunciation of a constituent which is ‘given,’ i.e. made salient in the discourse. In PF-copying theories, deletion of constituents marked for ellipsis is widely assumed to take place before the prosodic computation.1 It is in principle possible for material in the ellipsis site to interact with the prosodic component, given different architectural assumptions. In this connection, we will argue that English obeys the following generalization, which directly implicates prosody in the computation of ellipsis:. Candidates for the output of this mapping will be evaluated with respect to independent prosodic well-formedness constraints If these constraints include Tyler’s (2019) subcat constraint—which governs the realization of functional material—the Stranding Generalization follows.
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