A probe-goal approach to the minimality effect in Chinese modifier V-de construction

Abstract

Mandarin Chinese has a modifier [V-de X] construction with a cluster of properties: X is both syntactically and semantically a predicate of the event denoted by V, unique per clause and demonstrably in the complement position of V. Whereas these properties collectively set X apart from postverbal adverbials in European languages, X not only can be interpreted as if it were one of a wide range of adverb classes but also interacts with actual preverbal adverbials of certain types and yields a minimality effect. We present an explanation that makes use of the probe-goal theory of syntactic dependencies and the association of adverb classes adv to their corresponding licensing heads H. It will be shown that the morpheme -de embodies agreement between adv and H. When coupled with a strict Kayne-style clausal structure that Chinese has, this characterization of -de helps explain all the properties of the modifier [V-de X] construction.