Abstract
Abstract Although it is widely acknowledged that different speech processes may interact with each other, the way that nasalization affects phonation remains poorly understood. This paper explores the relationship between nasalization and phonation, by analyzing the phonetic cues of the tense/lax distinction both in nasalization and non-nasalization in the Bai language. The data for discussion is from two Bai dialects, Chengbei and Jinhua, which have a tense/lax distinction in both nasalized and non-nasalized syllables. Three phonation parameters – fundamental frequency (F0), open quotient (OQ), and speed quotient (SQ) – are extracted from EGG signals for analysis. It is found that the influence of nasalization on phonation varies with the tone contours. As for the level tones, the role of phonation manner in tone distinction is not evident in nasalization in that tense tones can be distinguished from lax tones only by pitch. However, in non-nasalization, phonation manner plays an indispensable role in tone distinction, in that the contrast between tense and lax tones are reflected not only on F0 but also on OQ and SQ. Moreover, non-nasalized tense tones are more likely to be accompanied by non-modal phonation that is characterized by a significantly higher SQ. In terms of articulatory explanation, high SQ in non-modal phonation is the result of the vibration of tightened vocal folds, and the tension of vocal folds is caused by raising the soft palate in non-nasalization. As for the falling tones, the role of phonation manner in tone distinction is more salient in nasalization than in non-nasalization in Chengbei Bai, but it is not attested in Jinhua Bai. This study shows that the interaction between nasalization and phonation in Bai can be revealed in the analysis of phonation parameters, i.e. F0, OQ, and SQ.
Highlights
Introduction of two Bai dialectsMost Bai dialects in Dali City have no nasal endings or nasalized vowels, e.g. Meiba Bai (Li 2017), Longfeng Bai (Gong et al 2018); but some Bai dialects out of Dali City do have nasalized vowels, e.g. Jinhua Bai (Xu & Zhao 1984), Kangfu Bai (Zhao 2010), and Chengbei Bai.This study is primarily based on the data from a series of field investigation of Chengbei Bai by the authors from 2016 to 2017, supplemented by Jinhua Bai material collected by Wang (2015)
As far as level tones are concerned, whether in Chengbei or Jinhua Bai, the role of phonation manner in tone distinction is not evident in nasalization because tense tones can be distinguished from lax tones only by pitch
In non-nasalization, phonation manner plays an indispensable role in tone distinction, in the sense that the contrast between tense and lax tones are reflected on F0 and on open quotient (OQ) and speed quotient (SQ)
Summary
The tense/lax distinction of syllables in the Bai language was noticed early and used to be treated as the feature of vowels as in the Yi language. Xu & Zhao (1984) hold a similar view, claiming that the tense feature in Bai is associated with vowels. Later studies all follow Xu & Zhao, considering tense/lax distinction as the feature of tone categories in Bai. In Dai & Zhao’s (2009) description of Zhaozhuang Bai, tones /42/ and /21/ are tenser and accompanied by a glottal stop. Much research in experimental phonetics studied the nature of the tense and lax contrasts in Bai. Li Shaoni and Edmondson (a.k.a. 艾傑瑞 Ài Jiéruì) investigated the tense tones of Bai by different instruments, such as miniature laryngoscopes. Li Shaoni and Edmondson (a.k.a. 艾傑瑞 Ài Jiéruì) investigated the tense tones of Bai by different instruments, such as miniature laryngoscopes They claimed that instead of pitch, it is voice quality, such as creakiness, that contributes to the tonal contrasts in Jianchuan Bai (Li & Ai 1990; Li 1992; Edmondson & Li 1994; Edmondson et al 2000; Edmondson et al 2001). The distinctive phonetic features of tense and lax are found to vary both with respect to individuals and different tones
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