A Personal History of Canada-Germany

Abstract

For almost three decades, I have had the privilege of observing the political, economic, social, and cultural changes in Germany. It was a period that was characterized by such terms as Mittelstreckenraketen (medium -ran ge mis- siles), SS20S, Pershing missiles, and the stationing of nuclear weapons on German soil. All this was accompanied by the NATO debate on the Dop- pelbeschluss, the double-track decision put forward and championed by Hel- mut Schmidt. I was well acquainted with the pioneers of the peace movement and closely associated with the emergence of the pacifist and en- vironmental trends that led to the creation of the Green party in Germany. These are the historical moments that fundamentally shaped and changed the Bonner Republik. Of course all this happened against the backdrop of the Cold War, Ostpolitik, and the normalization of the so-called innerdeutsche Beziehungen, relations between the two German states. In those years, no one could have foreseen the radical outcome of 1989, with the end of the Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, and the emergence of this reunified country, with Berlin once again its capital. What a road it has been. I count myself lucky to have been able to witness these profound changes, which allowed Germany to reconcile itself with the past and to gradually become a normal country again, an important player on the European and international stage, not only economically but also politically and culturally.The end of this long road is in sight. When I think of the consequences of the Second World War and the Franco-German efforts leading up to the signing of the Elysee treaty by de Gaulle and Adenauer, sealing a friendship crucial for the future of Europe, I cannot help but recognize how the various German governments worked relentlessly to realize the dream. Right from the beginning, this involved creating ties strong enough to prevent any repeat of the cruel experiences of the 20th century. This desire to be integrated in a larger entity - beyond national borders - gave rise to the European Union, whose roots lie in the European Coal and Steel Community, the 1957 treaty of Rome, and the decisions to consolidate and expand the EU from the six founding countries to the 27 members today. Germany has achieved its dream of overcoming its isolation and upheaval to create solid ties with its neighbours, large and small, and to become a country no longer on the eastern margins of the European Community but at the geographical centre of the EU. This has been realized peacefully in a reunified Germany and in a continent free of east-west tensions.Does this mean that, its national having been realized, Germany no longer has a dream? What I see today is an adjustment of aspirations and an evolution of realities. Globalization obviously plays a significant role here and certainly explains to some extent why Germany has in recent years been increasingly turning its attention to the east, to Russia, a major energy supplier, but also to the emerging markets, in particular China and India. This inevitably has an effect on the transatlantic relationship, which has lost some of its dynamism, or rather common destiny, since the imminent threat posed by the Cold War has evaporated. Yet the transatlantic connection remains particularly important and has, undoubtedly, been underestimated in some areas over the last few years in the wake of September nth. We are bound by our common destiny: Angela Merkel took the right step in launching a transatlantic economic partnership initiative with the US and Canada, with a view to reducing or eliminating the numerous non-tariff trade barriers hindering the expansion of our commercial and economic links, especially in science and technology and investment. …