A New Look at the Office of Lieutenant Governor

Abstract

Systematic research on the office of state lieutenant governor is quite rare, despite a substantial body of literature on state politics and administration.' Studies of an office can be justified for any of the following three reasons: it plays an important role in policy-making; it serves as a stepping stone to higher, more important offices; or research into the office permits an examination of some broader theoretical question (e.g., does a structural change in the office result in a different recruitment pattern to that office).2 Typically, it was assumed that the office of lieutenant governor met neither of the first two conditions. First, the policy role of the lieutenant governor was usually very limited, as illustrated by the limited duties given the incumbent, the low salary of the office (in 1950, a majority had salaries below $3,000 annually), small staff support, and the fact that, for many, the office was not perceived as a full-time job. (As recently as 1971, more than one-third of lieutenant governors said they believed the position to be part-time).3 Often, the only serious policy role played by the lieutenant governor was related to his position as presiding officer of the state senate, and even in this role, formal powers were often limited by custom to ceremonial duties. The basis of attitudes toward the second condition, that of advancement to higher office, is less clear. While there may have been impressionistic evidence that the lieutenant governorship was politically a dead-end position, advancement to higher office was common in the 1950's (see Table 1). Finally, it appears that no scholars have focused exclusively on the office of lieutenant governor to study some broader, theoretical question.4 With the tremendous growth of state administrations, lieutenant governors have taken on greater and more varied responsibilities. With average annual salaries of $22,000, average annual office budgets of over $140,000, and responsibilities varying from intergovernmental relations to administrative oversight to budget responsibilities to heading major executive departments, the lieutenant governor's policy role clearly is sufficient to justify an examination of the office and those who have held it. Of a total of 42 lieutenant governors, 31 head executive departments, and 31 serve as chief executive when the governor is absent from the state. Of the 29 states that have both lieutenant governors and state cabinets, 20 mandate that the lieutenant governor serve on the cabinet.' Also, with onethird of those holding this office moving to higher office, it plays a significant role in state and national political career patterns. * The office of lieutenant governor is rapidly changing. This article, in addition to reviewing some of these changes, examines the office from the standpoint of its role in state political and administrative career patterns from 1950 to 1975. The recruitment pattern to the office is explored, as well as the advancement of former lieutenant governors to higher office. Using models of the office developed by the National Conference of Lieutenant Governors, the authors examine two further questions. What kinds of states are most likely to adopt particular structures of the office and what impact does the variance in structure have on the kinds of people who serve in the office. The authors discover a distinct pattern of advancement to and from the office. This pattern has emphasized state legislative and administrative experience and has become more pronounced across time. It also varies widely according to different structures of the office.