Abstract
The 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act eliminated the alternative minimum tax for corporations and sharply eviscerated the alternative minimum tax for individuals. Yet recently there has been a resurgence of interest in minimum taxes both for the international tax systems and in certain domestic contexts.
 This Article argues that there should be a role, but a very minimal one, for minimum taxes in our tax system. While reasonable arguments have been put forward for minimum taxes, on closer examination, many of these arguments are found wanting. This Article, however, does make a second-best case for one type of minimum tax, namely as a backstop for a potentially flawed or deficient tax. That is the “minimal role for a minimum tax.”
 To develop this argument, I explore three distinct theoretical rationales for minimum taxes that have been put forward. First, I discuss the distinction between unilateral and multilateral minimum taxes and the potential role that multilateral minimum taxes can play in alleviating concerns that arise from tax competition and the presence of tax havens. While unilateral minimum taxes may have a strong rationale, the rationale for multilateral minimum taxes is not compelling. Second, I show how considerations of fairness, public perception, and alternative views of the corporation create a demand for minimum taxes. This demand, however, can be satisfied in other ways. Finally, I discuss how the imperfect targeting of tax preferences and practical limitations in the design and effectiveness of the most common taxes can provide a potential, but limited, efficiency rationale for the use of minimum taxes. I lastly provide an example of the use of minimum taxes for reforming state corporate taxation.
Highlights
In 1969, in the wake of publicity about a very small number of very high-income individuals not paying any income tax, Congress created two new minimum taxes—one for individuals and one for corporations
During the first part of the decade of the 2000s, the number of taxpayers subject to the alternative minimum tax rose from approximately 1 million in 1999 to over 4 million by 2005.53 Projections made by tax experts in 2003 and 2005 predicted that without changes to the AMT rules, over 30 million taxpayers would be subject to the AMT by 2010.54 though, the number of AMT taxpayers stabilized in the 4-5 million range until the sharp curtailment of the AMT in 2018
Restructuring the franchise tax as a minimum tax would ensure that some corporate-level revenues would be derived from taxpayers with significant economic presence, in this case measured by the taxable base of the franchise tax
Summary
In 1969, in the wake of publicity about a very small number of very high-income individuals not paying any income tax, Congress created two new minimum taxes—one for individuals and one for corporations These taxes were enacted to avoid having taxpayers employ a variety of tax preferences, including deductions and exclusions, to pay zero or very limited amounts of tax. It transformed into a tax that primarily affected the upper-middle class, effectively taking away relatively uncontroversial deductions, such as those for state and local taxes Because of these problems, reformers had long targeted the AMTs for either repeal or restructuring. Reformers had long targeted the AMTs for either repeal or restructuring They have largely disappeared from the tax landscape for the time being, many individual provisions in the TCJA are scheduled to expire in 2025, which will effectively bring the individual AMT back in full force. I turn to some of the implementation issues that have arisen in the design and implementation of minimum taxes, focusing on the issue of the relationship between the
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