Abstract

In the study of kinship and particularly in the study of residence patterns we frequently learn of cultural norms which determine rules of residence and kinship behavior. However, as so-called primitive societies are today frequently influenced in their rules of residence and kinship behavior by changing conditions owing to the acculturation situation in which a cultural group may find itself the study of these normative rules becomes more and more difficult. There seems to occur a profusion of rules due to the disorganizing effect of acculturation. This difficulty is increased with the length of time the acculturation process has been at work especially when acculturation is forced. Old rules are often confused or forgotten by the present population and the field worker may find himself in the position of noting almost as many rules of residence as he has informants. The question arises then; how can data be ordered in such a situation where patterning seems absent. If it is true that even social disorganization follows certain patterns then changes in the patterns of residence should be discernable. To find any kind of patterning it is difficult to follow the time honored methods of techniques of the anthropological field worker; the obtaining of representative genealogies with notations as to residence, etc. Though this is undoubtedly a necessary step in the study of kinship behavior, kinship terminology, and residence patterns, it provides one only with the cultural norm and gives few if any insights into the dynamics of change. Murdock, who is so admirably summarized residence and kinship rules and structures, points out himself that, ---A special investigation of the fac43

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