Abstract

Several recent studies have shown that different scalar terms are liable to give rise to scalar inferences at different rates (Doran et al., 2009, 2012; van Tiel et al., 2016). A number of potential factors have been explored to account for such Scalar Diversity. These factors can be seen as methodological in origin, or as motivated by widely discussed analyses of scalar inferences. Such factors allow us to explain some of the variation, but they leave much of it unexplained. In this paper, we explore two new potential factors. One is methodologically motivated, related to the choice of items in previous studies. The second is motivated by theoretical approaches which go beyond the standard Gricean approach to pragmatic effects. In particular, we consider dual route theories which allow for scalar inferences to be explained either using ‘global’ pragmatic derivations, like those set out in standard Gricean theory, or using local adjustments to interpretation. We focus on one such theory, based on the Bayesian Rational Speech Act approach (RSA-LU, Bergen et al., 2016). We show that RSA-LU predicts that a scalar term’s liability to certain kinds of local enrichment will explain some Scalar Diversity. In three experiments, we show that both proposed factors are active in the scalar diversity effect. We conclude with a discussion of the grammatical approach to local effects and show that our results provide better evidence for dual route approaches to scalar effects.

Highlights

  • The Scalar Diversity PhenomenonRecent experimental studies investigated the rates at which scalar expressions of different lexical categories give rise to scalar inferences (SIs) (Doran et al, 2009, 2012; Beltrama and Xiang, 2012; van Tiel et al, 2016)

  • We discuss an account of this phenomenon within the Bayesian, Rational Speech Act framework. We show how this RSA framework predicts scalar diversity to the extent that scalar terms are susceptible to local pragmatic processes

  • Experiment 1 established that there is a considerable amount of variation among scalar terms in terms of how strongly

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Summary

Introduction

Recent experimental studies investigated the rates at which scalar expressions of different lexical categories give rise to scalar inferences (SIs) (Doran et al, 2009, 2012; Beltrama and Xiang, 2012; van Tiel et al, 2016). It has been found in these studies that different scalar expressions give rise to SIs at different rates. Participants read a statement uttered by a character They were asked whether the speaker implied the negation of the stronger statement in which scalar expression was replaced by its stronger scale mate. A ‘Yes’ response indicates that participants drew the SI and a ‘No’ response indicates that the inference was unavailable

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