A Digital History of Anglophone Demography and Global Population Control, 1915–1984

The world population is at a critical turning point. Its increasing population is eating away the earth itself wherein its impact has been sufficient to make permanent changes in the environment. Asia is the largest continent in the world, both in terms of area and population that was basically the reason why this study was conducted. The main purpose of this study is to determine what causes the growth of population in it. There are many factors which affect the growth of human population in Asia. These include the geographic, demographic and socio-economic factors. This study employs the exploratory data analysis or data mining which is a statistical procedure for exploring data sets and for formulating theory on the multidimensional look on the growth of population in Asia. The study revealed that population growth in Asia was largely affected by these factors specifically its land area, fertility rate and population literacy of the country. KEYWORDS: Asia, data mining, demography, geography, literacy, population, population growth.

The theory of demographic transition in its best‐known modern formulation was developed in the early 1940s by a small group of researchers associated with Princeton University's Office of Population Research, under the leadership of Frank W. Notestein. A notable early adumbration of the theory in print—in fact preceding the most often cited contemporaneous articles by Notestein and by Kingsley Davis—was by Dudley Kirk, one of the Princeton demographers, in an article titled “Population changes and the postwar world,” originally presented by its author on 4 December 1943 at the 38th Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Society, held in New York. It is reproduced below in full from the February 1944 issue of American Sociological Review (Vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 28–35).In the article Kirk, then 30 years old, briefly discusses essential elements of the concept of the demographic transition. He characterizes trends in birth and death rates as closely linked to developmental changes: to the transition “from a peasant, self‐sufficient society to an urban, industrial society.” He sees the countries of the world as arranged on a “single continuum of development” and, correspondingly, on a continuum of demographic configurations. These countries, he suggests, may be divided into three broad groups: the first, with high mortality and high fertility, possessing great potential population growth; the second, “caught up in the tide of industrialization and urbanization,” hence exhibiting birth and death rates that are both declining but in a pattern that generates rapid population growth; and a third, with low fertility and low mortality, pointing toward the prospect of eventual depopulation. He describes the temporal and geographic process of material progress and demographic change as one of cultural and technological diffusion emanating from the West. But Kirk's main interest in this article is the effects of the patterns generated by economic change and the ensuing demographic transition on shifts in relative power—military and economic—within the system of nations, both historically and in the then dawning postcolonial era. On the latter score, even if occasionally colored by judgments reflecting perspectives unsurprising in 1943, such as in his assessment of the economic potential of the Soviet Union, Kirk's probing of the likely consequences of evolving trends in power relationships as shaped by shifting economic and demographic weights—issues now largely neglected in population studies—is often penetrating and remarkably prescient. His views on the implication of these trends for the desirable American stance toward the economic and demographic modernization of less developed countries—friendly assistance resulting in rapid expansion of markets, and trade speeding a social evolution that also brings about slower population growth—represent what became an influential strand in postwar US foreign policy.Dudley Kirk was born 6 October 1913 in Rochester, New York, but grew up in California. After graduating from Pomona College, he received an M.A. in international relations from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy of Tufts University in 1935 and a Ph.D. in sociology from Harvard in 1946. He was associated with Princeton's OPR between 1939 and 1947, where he published his influential monograph Europe's Population in the Interwar Years (1946) and, with Frank Notestein and others, coauthored the book The Future Population of Europe and the Soviet Union (1944). From 1947 to 1954 he was demographer in the Office of Intelligence Research of the US State Department, the first person having that title in the federal government. From 1954 to 1967 he was director of the Demographic Division of the Population Council in New York, and from 1967 until his retirement in 1979 he was professor of population studies at Stanford University. In 1959–60 he was president of the Population Association of America. Dudley Kirk died 14 March 2000 in San Jose, California.

Eugenics and the Misuse of Genetic Information to Restrict Reproductive Freedom: Board of Directors of the American Society of Human Genetics

Sexology as a field of medicine and social science was not named until after World War II, but an organized field of sex research was promoted by the Committee for Research in Problems of Sex (CRPS) in the 1920s and 1930s with funding from the Rockefeller Foundation and support from the National Research Council (NRC). The field benefitted from the Rockefeller Foundation’s desire to reform both sex and medical education during this period. Originally funded by the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Bureau of Social Hygiene and a subunit of the Medical Sciences Division of the NRC, the committee became, after 1933, a joint subunit of the Medical and Natural Sciences divisions of the Rockefeller Foundation.1 The major achievement of this sex research project during the interwar period was a new understanding of sex function and its regulation in higher animals and humans. This new understanding was summarized for the first time in Sex and Internal Secretions, published by the CRPS in 1932 and in an enlarged edition in 1939.2

IN the next half century the size and distribution of the world's population will change rapidly. These changes will bring new demographic problems, and shift both the locus and form of old ones. Areas of Europe and Europe overseas in which technological civilization is most fully developed face slowing growth and perhaps gradual population decline. The phase of rapid growth which formerly characterized their populations is shifting to less fully developed areas such as Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and Japan. There, declines in fertility are well established but have not yet overtaken those in mortality which modernization has induced; hence growth is rapid. In the remainder of the world, actual population change ranges from apparent decline in parts of Central Africa to very rapid increases in many areas of the Near and Far East and of Latin America. However, virtually all of these populations have high birth and death rates. In any of them the application of established techniques for the reduction of mortality would bring about a very rapid population growth. Irrespective of their past actual growth, such populations have the potentiality for rapid future growth. Populations with high growth potentials include most of those of Latin America, and, except for Japan, virtually all of those in which non-European cultures are dominant-in short, virtually all of the populations in the technologically undeveloped regions of the world. Many of the world's undeveloped regions could absorb substantial growth readily enough. Throughout large parts of South America, Africa, and the Middle East, developments that would foster rapid population increase would also elicit the economic 1 From the Office of Population Research, School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University.

This study of a group of husbands anid wives in the middle years of marriage investigated the relationship between sexual enjoyment and marital satisfactioni of those high on religiosity and those low on religiosity. The maj or finding was that religiosity reduced the impact of wonmen's lack of sexual gratification on their general marital satisfaction. This did not occur with the men. These findings are consistent with those of a study of the early years of mza rriage. A number of studies have found a correlation betweeln sexual gratification in marriage ancd evaluations by busbands and wives of the over-all success or failure of their marriage.1 In a previous article by Wallin12 it was argued that this correlation would obtaini to a lesser degree for persons witlh a religious orientation than for the more secular ninlded. This would follow, it was suggested, fromn the tendency of organizations concerned witlh religious training and activity to *This is one of a group of articles reporting studies of questions relating to the sexual behavior of menand women before and after marriage. We are indebted for support given the research at various times by the Rockefeller Foundation, The Committee for Research in Problems of Sex (National Academy of Sciences-National Researcl Council), the Social Science Research Council, and the University Research Institute, University of Texas. We are especially indebted to Professor E. W. Burgess under whose direction the data of the present study were collected. 1 See Lewis M. Terman, Psychological Factors i.n Alarital Happin.ess (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1938), pp. 300-305; See also Ernest W. Burgess and Paul Wallin, Engagemtent and Marriagc (Philadelphia and New York: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1953), pp. 689-692. 2 Paul Wallin, Religiosity, Sexual Gratification, and Marital Satisfaction.,' Aincrican Sociological Reviewz, 22 (June 1957), pp. 300-305. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.102 on Thu, 23 Jun 2016 07:02:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

THIS article reports a study of effect of religiosity on relation between sexual gratification and marital satisfaction. One of distinguishing features of marriage is that it is a relationship in which socially sanctioned sexual intercourse is engaged in with some regularity and, particularly in early years, with considerable frequency. Consequently, it could be presumed that more gratifying sexual activity, greater would be participants' satisfaction with their marriages. This conclusion follows from assumption that gratification from a significant, frequently recurring activity contributes to satisfaction with total relationship of which activity is a part. It is likely that tendency for satisfaction with marriage to be influenced by sexual gratification is reinforced in contemporary American society by numerous sources that promulgate idea that sexual gratification is essential for a happy, satisfactory marriage. It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that sexual gratification would enhance, and that non-gratification would decrease, women's and men's positive feelings about their marriages as a whole. Research has shown that positive correlation between sexual gratification and marital satisfaction inferred from assumptions advanced above does indeed obtain.' It seems evident, however, that insofar as this correlation is due to marital dissatisfaction stemming from a lack of sexual gratification, it would not obtain (or would do so to a lesser degree) among persons with a diminished sexual drive or among those who have a normal sex drive but for whom a compensatory mechanism is operative. This compensation may be achieved through enhancement of value to individual of a non-sexual component of marital relationship. A sexually dissatisfied wife may, for example, attach increased significance to esteem she derives from her husband's prestige or to material comforts his income makes possible. The enhancement of these, or other non-sexual satisfactions, may serve to attenuate expected negative effect of woman's lack of sexual gratification on her satisfaction with marriage. In addition to individual sources of substitute gratification, here, as in other areas of life, society possesses institutional arrangements with accompanying value structures that serve to mitigate effects of personal distress. One is led in present instance, to consider immediately role of religious organizations and religious beliefs, and this for two reasons. First, religious beliefs and activity have provided and undoubtedly continue to provide for many persons both consolation for distress (i.e. the consolation of religion) and positive gratification (i.e. the peace that passeth all understanding). Secondly, these ministrations are associated with an other-wordly outlook that depreciates-at least relatively to secular orientations-the pleasures of world and *This is first of a number of articles reporting findings of a study dealing with questions relating to sexual behavior of men and women before and after marriage. I am grateful for support given study by Rockefeller Foundation and Social Science Research Council. The study was also supported in part by a grant from Committee for Research in Problems of Sex, National Academy of Sciences-National Research Council. I am indebted to Ernest W. Burgess with whom I collaborated on longterm investigation of engagement and marriage in course of which data of sex study were collected. For their work on various phases of study I owe thanks to Fred Chino, Alexander Clark, Jan Howard, and Don Mills. 'See Lewis M. Terman, Psychological Factors in Marital Happiness, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938, pp. 300-305. See also Ernest W. Burgess and Paul Wallin, Engagement and Marriage, Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1953, pp. 689-692.

slogan wan, xi, shao (later, longer, fewer) is ubiquitous in People's Republic of China, reflecting fact that since early 1970s, government of world's most populous nation has intensified its efforts to reduce fertility. Every couple is exhorted to marry late, to space their births at long intervals and to have few children. Demographically, these three standards of reproductive practice are cornerstones of Chinese solution to problem of rapid population growth. Ideologically, these norms or exhortations have been incorporated into a recently articulated theory which states that as of material goods and services must be in a socialist economy, so also must anarchy of reproduction be ended. In interests of societal development and national prosperity, childbearing in every household must be placed tracks of nation's unified plan, so as to realize population growth. * In order to make wan, xi, shao operative, plan to solve China's population problem draws on specific strategies mentioned in New Population Theory developed by economist Ma Yinchu, who had advocated control of population growth as early as 1957. However, for than 20 years, until 1979, both Ma Yinchu and his population theory remained in disfavor with Chinese authorities. essence of Ma Yinchu's theory was that the State should have power to intervene in reproduction and to control population.' His recommendations included use of widespread propaganda to make people sensitive to harmful effects of early marriage and to importance of fertility limitation in context of economic development. He also urged that people should be educated to use methods of birth limitation and, important, that more stern and effective administrative measures be adopted to supplement these approaches if population growth was not effectively curbed.2 On March 5, 1978, Fifth National People's Congress formally made fertility limitation a matter of national concern when it adopted Article 53 of Constitution, which reads, The state advocates and encourages Even before this formal endorsement, however, reports of declines in Chinese birthrate were being increasingly noted. In cities and provinces as diverse as Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, Sichuan, Hebei, Liaoning, Shandong, Jiangsu and Hubei, it was reported that rate of natural population increase had declined steadily in recent years, and by 1978 was below one percent a year.3 According to Chen Muhua, Vice Premier and Head of Planned Reproduction Group of State Council of Central Government, China's overall rate of natural increase had fallen to 12.1 per 1,000 in 1978 from 23.4 in 1971, and birthrate had dropped to 18.3 per 1,000 in 1978 from previous high of4O.0 per 1,000 in 1960s.4 Evidently, therefore, resumption and intensification of birth control activities undertaken by government programs have succeeded, in a very short time span, in lowering fertility in China. Even amid successes, however, thrust of recent government pronouncements on population issues has been to advocate still further decreases. official target is to reduce rate of natural increase to five per 1,000 by 1985, that is, to depress birthrate to about 11 per 1,000 in five to six years. China's determined efforts to solve its problem of rapid population growth or, in Chinese terms, to achieve planned population production can be seen in all aspects of Chinese life. Information about Chinese policy and its implementation is widely disseminated. But up to present, little was known of specific ways in which hundreds of millions of couples in China regulate their childbearing. Nor has it been totally clear by what specific means they have been able to keep reproduction within limits established by national population plan. Official accounts, as well as reports of numerous visitors to China, have been deficient in precise information about how lives of couples have been affected by their involvement in China's attempt to solve its population problem. Consequently, except in policy and organizational terms, country's recent successes in achieving fertility reduction have been difficult, if not impossible, to understand and explain. Similarly, observers still lack a strong factual basis upon which to assess whether further reductions are likely to be reached on schedule. purpose of this article, therefore, is to attempt to provide an account of ways in which Chinese women and men are responding to national effort to achieve reproduction. Such an account should also provide some overall indication of extent to,which China is likely to realize its objective of achieving an annual rate of natural increase of five per 1,000 by year 1985.

COMMENTS ON A PAPER BY JOHN B. GRAHAM, "THE RELATION OF GENETICS TO CONTROL OF HUMAN FERTILITY"* DUDLEY KIRKf Perhaps my role as the only social scientist participating in a population genetics meeting accounts for my invitation from Dwight Ingle to comment on Dr. Graham's paper. As Graham freely admits, his paper has little to do with genetics and is in fact an appeal for more scientific and political effort on population limitation by his biomedical colleagues. I do not fault him for this general objective; the world population problem certainly needs more scientific study and constructive action than it now receives. Nor do I disagree with Dr. Graham's major points that rapid population growth may and often does adversely affect nutrition, social welfare, economic development, and the quality of life. My disagreement with Graham lies in his interpretation of facts, his draconian conclusions, and his recommendation that human genetics be curtailed as a "baroque" science. Graham properly accuses demographers like myself of decrying the hysteria of biologists about population growth. Demographers and many other social scientists have viewed with dismay the naive and simplistic statements of biologists in this field. It is not that demographers do not comprehend the gravity of the problem—indeed it has been their major preoccupation in the last twenty years. But, with the fanaticism of the newly converted, biologists have been quite prepared to indulge in exaggeration in their eagerness to put an apocalyptic vision before the public. I do not for a moment regard Graham as guilty of deliberate mis- * Adapted from remarks presented at the Panel on Population Genetics, Conference on Genetic Disease Control, Washington, D.C., December 8-5, 1970 [I]. t Morrison Professor of Population Studies, Food Research Institute, Stanford University , Stanford, California 94305. 284 I Dudley Kirk · Control of Human Fertility representation. He is a man of great integrity and compassion. But in this paper he has been swept along in the full cry of biologists' alarm about world population growth. One could not question all of Graham's paper without writing a longer one. I will rather point to two common sources of disagreement between social scientists and biologists and then illustrate from his first three charts. 1. The numbers game.—Biologists are prone, as indeed demographers were some years ago, to point to inevitable Malthusian disaster by extrapolating present rates of population growth to "standing room only." But long-term extrapolations predicting an anthill density of population in the United States and in the world are merely arithmetic exercises with little relevance to reality. There are many socioeconomic trends that, if continued, will bring disaster long before population pressure will. To take only a single such trend among hundreds, the rate of murders in the United States is said to be increasing at 7 percent per year. If this is true and continues very long, the population problem will have been more than solved before we are well into the next century. Any constant geometric rate of growth, no matter how large or small, ultimately leads to astronomical absurdities. There are checks and balances in the social system that are today operating to reduce rates of population growth just as they operated to raise the birth rate in the United States after the depression of the 1930s. Paralleling the possibility of 300,000,000 Americans in the year 2000 at present rates of population growth is a very different result from another extrapolation. If the rates of fertility decline from 1960 to 1968 (mostly before the present brouhaha about zero population growth) are extrapolated, couples will on the average have only half a child by the end of the century.1 Of course I do not expect this to happen; it merely illustrates the fact that strong forces to slow our population growth were already well under way in the 1960s. In any case, the United States' population is currently running along the lowest of four series of forecasts made by the United States Census Bureau as recently as 1969. This lowest series yields a population of 266,000,000 by the year 2000, not the 300,000,000 often cited. Our problem in the...

30 Years of Women's Health Issues

In our current moment, there is considerable interest in networks, in how people and things are connected. This essay outlines one approach that brings together insights from actor-network theory, social network analysis, and digital history to interpret past scientific activity. Multispecies network analysis (MNA) is a means of understanding the historical interactions among scientists, institutions, and preferred experimental animals. A reexamination of studies of sexual behavior funded by the Committee for Research in Problems of Sex between the 1920s and the 1940s demonstrates the applicability of MNA to clarifying the relations that sustained this area of psychology. The measures of weighted degree and betweenness can highlight which nodes (whether organisms or institutions) were particularly "central" to this network. Rats featured as the animals most widely studied during this period, but the analysis also reveals distinct institutional and disciplinary cultures where different species were favored as either surrogates for humans or representatives of more general biological groups.

Previous articleNext article No AccessNew Biological BooksTwenty-Five Years of Sex Research. History of the National Research Council Committee for Research in Problems of Sex 1922-1947. Sophie D. Aberle , George W. Corner Howard W. Jones, Jr.Howard W. Jones, Jr. Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Quarterly Review of Biology Volume 29, Number 4Dec., 1954 Published in association with Stony Brook University Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/400408 PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

NAS: speaking the truth to power for 150 years

IMPROVING HEALTH SERVICES: BACKGROUND, METHOD AND APPLICATIONS Walter Holland 2013 Edward Elgar Publishing ISBN: 978 1 78347 018 1; eISBN: 978 1 78347 019 8 Pages: 272It is difficult to conceive of the discipline of Health Services Research (HSR) predating the 1970 creation of Walter Holland's Social Medicine and Health Services Research Unit at St Thomas' Hospital Medical School.However, as this fascinating journey of the history of HSR reveals, population based studies were undertaken in the United States dating from the first decade of the 20th century. Holland points to major differences between the US and UK. One was the role of private foundations in supporting HSR in the US, the Carnegie Foundation, Milbank Memorial Fund, Rockefeller Foundation, the Commonwealth Fund and the W.R. Kellogg Foundation to name a few.The Milbank Memorial Fund, founded in 1905, had a substantial impact, not only in the selection of topics chosen for analysis but, more importantly, for the development of a 'publication that provided a respected forum for the publication and dissemination of the results of the HSR'. By comparison in the UK public funding directly supported much of the early research.Having 'dipped his lid' to the birth of HSR in the US, Holland's' book focuses on what he knows best and was incredibly influential in the development of HSR in viz the UK. Given the similarities between UK and Australia, it is this development, which most influenced the discipline's growth in Australia.Holland's prime motivation over the past five decades has been the use of evidence to assist the development of health policy and planning and evaluation of health practice.This focus inevitably leads to the interconnection of health politics and policy and the book is resplendent in describing such clashes.The work initially undertaken at St Thomas' Hospital were questions initiated by the NHS administration and hence the immediate link between the HSR and national policy was established. Within the hospital, John WynnOwenwas appointed as a health service manager jointly by the administration and the research unit. In subsequent years as Director General of NSW Health, Wynn Owen continued the emphasis on promoting HSR to aid policy formation.Holland's mentors and, no doubt, aided by being a St Thomas' graduate, contributed greatly to Holland's skills developments! At the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, Sir Richard Doll and Professor Donald Reid over sighted his epidemiology training followed by a stint at the Department of Epidemiology at Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene.The waxing and waning during the 1970s and 1980s of support for funding HSR within governments, and Holland's involvement in these debates, is beautifully described through a series of quotes from key players of the day. …

America and the Making of Modern Turkey: Science, Culture and Political Alliances