Abstract
This qualitative case study aims to explore reasons that led to the absence of the Japanese father from the family, how it affects the present situation of Japanese-Filipino children (JFC), and to conceptualize socioemotional factors that influence JFC’s life. The study covers current situations and socioemotional and socioeconomic problems of JFC and used standard qualitative techniques to gather field data. This study has identified that JFC are shaped by sociocultural and socioeconomic differences between Japan and the Philippines that play in individuals’ lives and decisions. The union of two people from different cultures and nationalities coupled with socioeconomic struggles and each individual’s underlying reasons to unite (marriage/cohabitation) may also lead to their separation. Furthermore, the study identified several unique socioemotional factors of the JFC as well: perceived unique ethnicity, the retention of a degree of love to the father who abandons them, and the need to see their fathers instead of feeling hatred and anger. Despite their abandonment, the JFC feel proud of their Japanese culture. Finally, JFC feel they belong to two culture groups; they consider knowing and belonging to both cultures to be their destiny.
Highlights
According to national statistics of the Philippines, about 1.6 million Filipinos work abroad (4.2 million according to estimates by international organizations) (Matsui, 1998)
Raw verbal data about the (a) socioeconomic description of Japanese men involved in a relationship with Filipinos; (b) reasons that led to the absence of the Japanese fathers, such as refusal to be acknowledged as the father; (c) factors that led to divorce and/or separation; (d) factors that affected the lives of the Japanese-Filipino children (JFC)
According to the NGO respondents, some Japanese men do not want to recognize their children for two primary reasons: legal and social
Summary
According to national statistics of the Philippines, about 1.6 million Filipinos work abroad (4.2 million according to estimates by international organizations) (Matsui, 1998). 50 percent of 50,000 Filipinos entering Japan annually between 1980 and 1990 were on entertainer visas. The number of Filipinos holding entertainer visas touched 400,000 between 1985 and 1996, with the majority being women (Matsui, 1998). Most entertainers traveled to Japan for work to support their families. The economic conditions of the entertainer’s family can be divided into three: those below the poverty line (approximately 60 percent), just below middle class (23 percent), and the middle class (17 percent). Younger than 23 years, most were elementary school graduates, high school graduates, college drop-outs, or college graduates (Matsui, 1998)
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