Abstract

Word learners are able to use the syntactic context of a word as one source of information to narrow down the space of possible meanings. We examine this bootstrapping process in the domain of adjectives, focusing on the acquisition of subcategories of Gradable Adjectives (GAs). We first show that robust patterns of adverbial modification in natural language sort GAs according to scalar structure: proportional modifiers (e.g., completely) tend to modify absolute maximum standard GAs (e.g., full), while intensifiers (e.g., very) tend to modify relative GAs (e.g., big). We then show in a word-learning experiment that 30-month-olds appear to be aware of such distributional differences and recruit them in word learning, assigning an interpretation to a novel adjective based on its modifier. We argue that children track both the range of adjectives modified by a given adverb and the range of adverbs modifying a given adjective, and use such surface-level information to classify new words according to possible pre-existing semantic representations.

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