Abstract
The purpose of this study is to investigate assimilations between heterosyllabic consonants aligned in syllable boundary and analyze whether the onsets have more influence in consonantal assimilations than codas standing on agreement constraints. In English and Korean, the phonetic and phonological changes in sequential consonants of the coda and onset in heterosyllabic structures show the phenomenon that the coda consonants are preferentially assimilated into the place or manner of articulation in the onset position, resulting in showing the sound pattern of /x.y/→[y.y]. As a result, this consonantal assimilations can be well explained in accordance with constraint-based theory. The constraints for the preferred onset AGREE[O-place] and AGREE[O-manner] are higher-ranked, whereas the constraints for codas AGREE[C-place] and AGREE[C-manner] are relatively lower-ranked. However, AGREE[C-place]/AGREE[C-manner] for assimilations to codas and Lat-Pre for them to lateral sonorant could be high-ranked. In short, this analysis substantiates onset-preferred generalizations in consonantal assimilation.
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