스트리핑 구문과 부가어 섬 효과

Abstract

For the stripping from the adjunct clause, an interrogative adverb and a case-marked argument undergo movement to the matrix Spec-IntP and Spec-FP, respectively, which is followed by double clausal ellipsis including the adjunct island. The interrogative adverb out of an island shows island effects even at PF. In the meanwhile, the focused remnant is insensitive to the islands such as an adjunct clause. The interrogative adverbs such as when, where or how in Korean are adjoined to VP while why in Korean cannot appear in the adjunct clause, which induces the gap of the stripping unacceptability degree. For the matrix stripping, the interrogative adverbs occupy the matrix Spec-IntP and the focused remnant undergoes focus movement to the matrix Spec-FP followed by the matrix TP ellipsis. The paper has investigated why unlike the fragment, the stripping from the adjunct is not repaired by ellipsis. The reason is because the interrogative adverb out of the adjunct island triggers island effects even at PF. Therefore, there is no island repair by ellipsis in the stripping at PF. In conclusion, we have shown that this is what the stripping in Korean shows at PF.