Формирование благоориентированной официальной помощи: анализ межстрановых различий

As risk analysis and risk management get increasingly caught up in political debates, a new way of looking at and defining the risks of modern technologies becomes necessary

Does foreign aid procurement in resource-rich countries depend on these countries’ financial development and institutional quality? Evidence from PVECM and quantile-on-quantile regression

What determines the type and quantity of overseas aid given by individual donor countries? Answers to this question in the existing literature are polarized into two groups. One of them offers a theoretical treatment based on the theory of public goods which is not consistent with the available data, and the other offers empirical correlations without any explanatory theory. The first group-for example, Pincus and Olson and Zeckhauser-treats aid, like defense, as an "international public good." Small countries, on this approach, are free riders, spending relatively little themselves while deriving benefits from the expenditures of larger countries.' But this approach is not consistent with even a casual scrutiny of the OECD aid community in which, broadly speaking, the smallest countries are the most generous donors.2 The second group-for example, Hoadley and Beenstockdiscover correlations between a country's ratio of aid to GNP and certain independent variables which may be expected to influence it (e.g., that country's GNP, its dependence on foreign trade, its government's position in the ideological spectrum, and the state of the domestic economy).3 However, these findings are not fitted into any theoretical framework, so that it is difficult to work out what they really mean.4 The approach of this paper is to treat foreign aid as a public good for which there is a market, albeit a highly imperfect one because the consumers-donor country taxpayers-are ignorant about the very nature, let alone the price, of the commodity they are buying. On this view, factors on the demand side (i.e., taxpayers' response to their country's aid program) will help to determine the quantity of aid disbursed as well as factors on the supply side such as the donor government's desire to obtain strategic or trading benefits from aid. This view

In the era of globalisation and the development of digital technology, the role of technology in various aspects of life is increasing. One of the areas significantly affected is the democratic process in society. This research aims to analyse the transformation of digital technology in increasing people's participation in the democratic process. The current research type is qualitative. Data collection techniques include listening and recording important information to conduct data analysis through data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing. The results showed that the transformation of digital technology has brought a significant impact on public participation in the democratic process. The availability of online platforms, easy access to information, and the ability to interact with political leaders have changed the way individuals engage in political decision-making. Despite the positive potential, there are challenges and risks that need to be addressed in order for public participation in the digital era to truly contribute to the strengthening of democratic principles.

Traditional expert (or technocratic) approaches to Technology Assessment have been fundamentally challenged by two observations. The first is that social impacts are not side effects of technology; they are core dimensions of new technology and technological development, and are a function of the coproduction of technology and society. As such, they can only be understood in social, not technical terms. Secondly, technological developments are driven by particular visions for society that are normative. Because these visions (and the latent premises that underpin them) are implicit and not negotiated by society, they are, in effect, undemocratic. Participatory methods have been utilized by Technology Assessment to improve the evaluation of the social and ethical dimensions of technology, and to democratize decision making about science and technology. However, we argue that public participation on its own does not necessarily lead to deeper understandings of social effects, nor necessarily to democratic input into decision making. We therefore make a case for a new form of Technology Assessment which we call TASC — Technology Assessment in Social Context. It takes a constructive, social systems approach to assess technology in social context and seeks to shape technology and social contexts through information, interaction and dialogue.

Decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 on the change in the minimum age requirement for presidential and vice-presidential candidates has generated various responses from the Indonesian people. This research aims to analyse the public response to the decision and its its impact on the role of the President in the institutional system of the Indonesian government and public participation in democracy. and public participation in democracy. Based on a descriptive study with a juridical-normative approach, the results of the study show that the majority of the public who gave a negative response to the verdict had concerns about the integrity of the judiciary and the potential for dynastic politics. In addition, the Court's decision introduced a new dynamic in the relationship between the executive and judiciary that affects the position and role of the President. Although Nonetheless, the decision also increased political awareness and political awareness and public participation, albeit accompanied by a decline in trust in the Constitutional Court. Overall, the judgement creates an opportunity for institutional reform that can strengthen Indonesia's democracy and promote transparency. institutional reforms that can strengthen Indonesia's democracy and promote transparency and accountability in political decision-making. accountability in political decision-making. Keywords: Public response; Constitutional Court; Role of the President; System of government; Indonesian democracy.

Global climate change has brought carbon emissions reduction into the global spotlight, and the Chinese government has formulated emissions reduction policies and set targets for carbon peaking and neutralization. This article explores the relationship between policy effectiveness and public participation from the perspective of public choice theory. The article reviews carbon emission reduction research, analyzes the roles of various parties in political decision-making and the current status of China's policies, and emphasizes the importance of public awareness and participation in achieving climate goals. Finally, it proposes optimized policy recommendations, such as improving the carbon market, developing green finance, differentiating policy design, promoting demonstration projects and encouraging community and NGO participation.

The development and popularization of network information technology has been promoting network to be one of the most important channels and means of citizen participation and governmental decision-making as well. Under the background of netizen participation, new developing challenges are facing governmental decision-making as new opportunities being brought to it. This paper aims to discuss the choices of governmental administrative decision by taking netizen participation into consideration. With the popularity of the Internet, network is pervading every aspect of the society, which caused a revolution in our way of producing and living. For citizens, network has become a new method of expressing rights and interests, and an important channel of participating in the administrative decision of government. Therefore, the new form or activities for public participation called Public emerged. Public participation in the administrative decision of government is not a new topic. Actually, it's existed in modern or ancient times, in China or elsewhere. The public participation in governmental administrative decision is a significant reflection for the political democratization of a nation. At the same time, it also reflected the governess level of government on a large scale. It can effectively facilitate the benign interaction between government and citizen, and enhance the mutual understanding and recognition on policies to bring public participation into the process of government making administrative decisions. Meanwhile, public participation in administrative decisions also play a big part in lessening the resistance, legalizing the policies, improving the scientificalness of decision making and etc. it is beneficial for both the government and citizen to allow the public participation in governmental administrative decision. 1. Pay enough political recognition to Online Public Participation The initial step we faced is how to assure the political nature and political status of Online Public Participation in governmental administrative decision so that we can make Online Public Participation in governmental administrative decision a systematic way or activities for civil participation. Political recognition mainly means that government gives understanding, affirmation and support to Online Public Participation and allows them to play a part in the political life of the nation. The political recognition is a precondition for Online Public Participation in government administrative decisions and the necessary condition for Online Public Participation to get further development. The report of seventeenth congress says: All power in China belongs to people. We should expand the citizens' political participation in an orderly way from all classed, all fields, and mobilize and organize them on a most extensive scale to manage state and social affairs and economic and cultural undertakings according to law; and to improve the system of democracy, develop diverse forms of democracy, expand public participation in political affairs in an orderly way, and to ensure that the people go in for democratic elections and decision-making, exercise democratic management and supervision according to law; and to put decision-making on a more democratic and scientific way, to perfect the system of information management and decision- making support, to suggest the transparency and public participation during decision-making process, and to formulate

Citizen engagement is seen as a way to address a range of societal challenges, fiscal constraints, as well as wicked problems, and increasing public participation in political decisions could help to address low levels of trust in politicians and decreasing satisfaction with political parties. This paper examines the perceived impacts of an experiment by the Austrian People’s Party which, in response to reaching a historic low in the polls, opened up its manifesto process to public participation via digital technology. Analysis of survey data from participants found that self-efficacy is positively associated with participation intensity but negatively related to satisfaction. In contrast, collective efficacy is related to positive perceptions of public participation in party politics but does not influence levels of individual participation. Future research is needed to explore the outcomes of political innovations that use digital technologies to enable public participation on voting behaviour, party membership and attitudes to representative democracy.

Introduction. The article analyzes the scientific, political and social directions of technology development using artificial intelligence in the context of the global digital race. The strategies for achieving technological sovereignty, adopted by the largest countries of the world, and the place and role of artificial intelligence in them are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the analysis of statistical indicators of the achievements of the world's leading states in the field of digital technologies. The scientific, political, economic, regulatory and social resources of the Russian Federation are also being explored, allowing them to become one of the global leaders in digital and technological development.Methodology and sources. The theoretical and methodological base of the study were the classical socio-economic concepts of technological and innovative development (K. Marx, T. Veblein, J. Schumpeter etc.). In the practical part of the study, we used such methods as analysis of documents (reports of the Analytical Center for the Government of the Russian Federation and the Competence Center of the NTI “Artificial Intelligence” of the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology, analytics from the the Russian International Affairs Council, Oxford Insights, Tortoise etc.) and comparative analysis. The empirical base was data from an analysis of the experience of China, the United States, India and the Russian Federation in developing their own strategies for the development of artificial intelligence technologies.Results and discussion. As a result of the study, we were able to trace how the active actions of the world's largest countries in the conceptualization of steps to develop artificial intelligence are reflected in the construction of the state's technological sovereignty. The analysis made it possible to describe the Russian model of supporting the development of technologies using artificial intelligence as a “Moscow consensus”, characterized by a social orientation of the results.Conclusion. In the structure of technological sovereignty, artificial intelligence plays an important role as a strategic component that contributes to the achievement of digital sovereignty. In the foreseeable future, the critical impact of the dependence of Russia's scientific and technological development on imported solutions and other external factors is obvious, which requires a thorough examination of the situation and a public discussion of any actions for the transition of Russian industry to Industry 4.0. At the same time, it is important to realize that the prospects for technologies using AI are vague without political decisions and financial support.

Bioenergy experts and their imagined “obligatory publics” in the United States: Implications for public engagement and participation

Introduction to Special issue

The research entitled Analysis of Political Decentralization Abominations in Creating a New Autonomous Region in North Maluku Central Horrors, uses a qualitative descriptive method to describe how Decentralised Political Policy creates a new autonomous region in the Middle Maluku North Horror. The study uses conciliation policy theory, the theory of political decentralization, and regional autonomy as well as the theories of political authority, using indicators of the authority of local governments in making political decisions, strategic formulation of planning of regional development programmes, and budget accommodation in budgeting. Increased public service and empowerment of the community, as well as public participation, and prospects for the development of the North Horrors Region.The results of the survey showed that the various political decisions implemented by the Government of India in the framework of regional development were political decisions related to the development of indigenous villages or administrative villages, political decisions relating to the construction of new villages in order to promote regional development and political decisions involving local governments and the DPRD in the context of emergency development and rural development. Furthermore, in connection with the planning strategy of various regional construction programmes implemented by the Regional Planning Agency, the aim is to prevent inter-emergency arrangements and in order to improve the well-being of the people in the various districts of disaster that exist in the Central Maluku.

This study critically examines the mechanism of appointing the Acting Governor of Nusa Tenggara Barat (NTB), focusing on its alignment with the principles of a democratic legal state. Utilizing a normative legal research methodology, the study employs legislative and conceptual approaches, drawing from primary and secondary legal materials. The analysis incorporates descriptive analytical, prescriptive, and argumentative data analysis techniques. Findings reveal that the current mechanism, governed by the Ministry of Home Affairs Regulation No. 4 of 2023, mandates adherence to democratic legal state principles. However, it faces significant challenges in ensuring optimal public participation and safeguarding human rights (HAM). Although the process involves multiple stakeholders, including optional non-ministerial government agencies, the final decision remains centrally with the president. This centralistic tendency undermines direct public participation in political decision-making, a core tenet of democracy. Additionally, the mechanism lacks clear legal procedures for termination, posing a risk of violating HAM principles and affecting the legitimacy and continuity of the appointed official. The study recommends enhancing public and representative body involvement to better reflect democratic participation principles. It also suggests regulatory changes to mandate broader stakeholder involvement and establish clear termination mechanisms, thereby improving transparency, accountability, and legal certainty while upholding human rights protection. These improvements are crucial for bolstering the mechanism's democratic legitimacy and efficacy in NTB's governance.Highlights
 
 Centralized Authority: The president's ultimate decision-making power limits public involvement.
 Public Participation Gap: Insufficient societal engagement in the appointment process.
 Human Rights Risks: Unclear termination procedures pose legal and legitimacy concerns.
 
 Keywords: Democratic Legal Principles, Public Participation, Human Rights, NTB Governor Appointment, Legal Transparency

Public participation in political decisions has a long history where it has been exposed to many developmental processes and has become particularly important in recent years. In Iran also this issue has recently come to the attention of policymakers. The present study aims to identify the most significant drivers affecting the future of public participation in policy making. To achieve this goal, after library studies were carried out and interviews with experts were taken, a list of 93 drivers affecting public participation in policy making was identified. In order to reduce this list, thematic analysis was used and it was finally reduced to 24 drivers. After being placed in the designed cross-impact matrix, the drivers were given to 5 experts. Then, the consolidation of their ideas about the impressiveness and impressionability of each of the drivers was entered in the cross-impact matrix. By analyzing the output of the Mick Mac software, the extent of the affect and affected of each driver was determined. Factors such as government type, technology level, sanctions, and people's knowledge and awareness were identified as key drivers having had the highest impact on public participation in policy making in Iran.