Abstract

Examined in this article are records like Samguk Sagi (三國史記), Samguk Yusa (三國遺事) and the “Han section” [韓傳] of the Chinese Samguk-ji (三國志), and references inside them regarding the Posangpal-guk war to be exact, in order to determine when the war actually broke out and why. Based upon such determination, hopefully we’d be able to understand the social dynamics that enabled the war, or the relationships among all involved countries that bred such war to begin with.<BR> First, the Naehae Isageum(奈解尼師今) entry in the “Chronology” section [Bon’gi] of Samguk Sagi and the Mulgyeja biography [勿稽子傳] of the “Biographies” section [Yeoljeon] in the same book were examined. It should be noted that the very object of Posangpal-guk’s attack is recorded differently in the former record and the latter. Addition to this, the identity of the emissary who asked for a relief force, and the very leader of that relief force, are also recorded differently between the two records. One record even contains factual details that are never mentioned in the other. For example, the Posangpal-guk’s attack upon the Galhwa-seong fortress is mentioned only in the “Biographies” section and not in the “Chronology” section. This suggests a possibility that both records (Bon’gi and Yeoljeon) were not in a relationship in which one abbreviated the other, but their respective contents were from entirely different sources of information. Another example could be felt from the Mulgyeja biography inside Samguk Yusa, as unlike Samguk Sagi, his biography here notes the fact that eight states, including Bora-guk(保羅國), attacked Shilla perimeters. Interestingly, ‘Bora-guk’ or ‘Samul-guk(史勿國)’ are state names which cannot be found in other sources.<BR> The second point that was examined was the actual time point when the Posangpal-guk war began. Taking the contents of the Hanjeon section in Samguk-ji into account, it seems it was early or middle period of the 3<SUP>rd</SUP> century. According to this record, in the mid-3rd century king-like figures emerged in the 12 states of Byeonhan, and Guya and Anya, who had been friendly with each other, came to form two of the most influential factions in the region. The described situation does fit the condition that would have preceded the Posangpal-guk war, and makes us presume the early or mid-3rd century was indeed when the war broke out.<BR> The final point to be discussed was the victims of Posangpal-guk’s attacks, based upon references made in Samguk Sagi’s “Chronology” as well as “Biographies” sections. It seems like the main target of Posangpal-guk was the Ham’an region’s Ara-guk(阿羅國), and it is highly possible that the Posangpalguk state -with Guya at its center- isolated Anya-guk and surrounded it with the intention to expand its own power and influence. In response, for assistance Anya asked Shilla, which had been clashing with Guya for some time, and Shilla involved itself in the conflict by aiding Ara-guk(Any-guk), intending to crush and subdue the Guya-centric faction. Shilla’s such interference was the reason for Golpo, Chilpo and Gosapo (members of the Posangpal-guk alliance) attacking Shilla’s Galhwa-seong fortress three years later. In other words, Posangpal-guk, including the Gimhae region, was able to establish itself through the war, and the Posangpal-guk war itself was literally a process in which Guya was expanding its own power.

Full Text
Paper version not known

Talk to us

Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have

Schedule a call

Disclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.