Каналы и механизмы трансляции идей новых религиозных движений в информационном пространстве социальных медиа

The crisis poses a specific practice of representation of consciousness. The current situation in the Russian media is characterized by a lack of freedom of speech where the traditional media is controlled by the state. It has made the Internet the only platform where there is a possibility to implement the various forms of expression of the crisis of consciousness. Russian authorities use the crisis in order to demonstrate the correctness of their strategy of social and economic policies. This appears to be a very specific way of constructing social and cultural reality being developed. The Russian Internet provides space for the regularly produced animated film Mr. Freeman, which is focused on Russian crisis of consciousness. The video shorts were analyzed as “description of discursive events”(Foucault). Discourse analysis provides an opportunity to highlight the discursive elements of two types; these are the symbolic and the semantic, which form the two levels of the crisis consciousness.The symbolic level the series includes images of Napoleon, the Little Prince, a meat grinder, the thinker, Caesar, and finally, a spider. On the semantic level this includes a free man, multiple fluid identities, the negation of cultural stereotypes typical of popular culture, the denial of the basic principles of the consumer society, anarchism as a reaction to the totalitarian state penetration into all spheres of social life and anti-hierarchy. The predominance of these images shows the current crisis of consciousness of Russian Internet users, which is expressed and oriented towards symbolic forms of protest. The crisis generates the specific practices of representation of the consciousness (it can be characterised as crisis consciousness), on the one hand, which are hardly revealed by the classic methods of sociology, and, on the other hand, are expressed in particular ways through the unconventional media and the forms of arts. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n11p186

ABSTRACTThe content of mass information in any society is closely linked to the patterns of its political development. A typical example of this concerns the modern Russian media, which have been influenced particularly by their embeddedness with the authorities. Indeed, the Russian media have served as the mouthpiece of the country’s political leaders, and this fact has left a significant imprint on media coverage. To understand the symbiotic relationship between Russian political leaders and media, this article focuses on the Syrian Civil War, which is currently one of the most important issues on the international political agenda. The Russian government’s role in the conflict over the last several years has affected the Russian media’s tremendous interest in this topic. Nonetheless, Moscow’s participation in the war was determined uniquely by how the communication sphere related the conflict to its audience so that its involvement in the Syrian imbroglio was not an objective reflection of reality. Guided by the political interests of the authorities, the Russian media created an emotionally oriented story, which intended to advance an extremely positive interpretation of Russia’s role in this conflict in the minds of the audience. Therefore, in terms of propaganda, these media acted not as “pure” promoters of the state’s will, but rather as its “interpreters.” This study highlights how leading Russian publications approach this agenda and the consequences this fact has for the Kremlin’s political priorities. The authors come to a definite conclusion regarding Russian media’s unconditional dependence on the political priorities of modern Russian society. It was crucial for the Kremlin that the media present a positive view of Moscow’s involvement in the conflict given that Russia’s military presence in Syria caused a very controversial reaction throughout the world and led to increased tensions and contentious disputation between Russia and many Western countries. Therefore, the Kremlin needed to justify its policies and did so through manipulating the Russian public by means of a large-scale propaganda campaign conducted through the Russian media. This phenomenon is pivotal to understand not only the case of Russia’s involvement in Syria but also contemporary international media development.

This chapter analyses current processes in the Russian media system at three institutional dimensions of the Russian media system, that of the media industry, social media and media regulation, thus focusing on the work of currently influential ‘agents of change’ in the Russian media in the first two decades of the second millennium. The Russian media industry today is the result of the multi-layered and controversial post-Soviet processes of deregulation, privatization and shift to a market economy. The dominance of national television has even strengthened in the Russian digital switch-over, i.e. the national implementation of the federal programme for the ‘Development of Television and Radio Broadcasting in the Russian Federation in 2009–2015’. The Russian Internet has been developing since 1993 and the number of users has been increasing rapidly, initially in large industrial cities but, in the past decade, more evenly across the country, reaching an Internet penetration rate of 72 per cent in 2018.

Crisis in Balochistan, the largest province of Pakistan by area, is a major concern in Pakistan since its inception. It raises important issues like national security, political marginalization, and human rights. In this context, this study aimed to examine how Pakistani and international print media represented Balochistan crisis using various linguistic and ideological strategies. In this study, the researchers employed a qualitative research design and used Norman Fairclough’s Three-dimensional Model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Eight news articles were analyzed from English media outlet Dawn, The News (representing Pakistani media), BBC, and Al Jazeera (representing international media), published between 2023 and 2025. The results revealed that Pakistani English media largely reflected the official state narrative that highlighted Baloch groups as terrorists and foreign agents. On the other hand, international media focused on human rights concerns, enforced disappearances, and political exclusion of the people of Balochistan. In a nutshell, the findings demonstrated that media discourse was far from neutral and played an important role in shaping public opinion and legitimizing power structures. Therefore, it stresses the need for balanced journalism that includes the voices of the marginalized communities and avoids one-sided portrayals.

Religious social movements are very interesting to be studied because this phenomenon is affecting the urban and rural communities, among the rich and the poor people, the educated and the less educated. The purpose of this study was to analyze several religious social movements in Java in the 19Th – 20Th centuries. The methods used are historical methods that include: Source feeding (main source is reference), Source Critique (source test), Interpretation of fact (analyzing the fact), and Historiography (writing research results) in the form of Journal Articles. Religious Social Symbols arise as a result of a depressed society, oppressed by the political system, or poverty as a result of colonial exploitation. For indigenous and less religious societies social pressures breed social protest movements and social revolutions. Meanwhile, in the Javanese society that has social and religious characteristics make the nature of the movement multidimensional. The form of movement is a blend of social movements that lead in the form of protests and revolutions, on the other hand formed religious movements that are politer nature because it is related to the life of the world and the hereafter. In various religious social movements in Java include the Nativist movement, Millennial/millenarianism, Messianic, Nostalgic, sectarian, and Revivalist. The movement emerged as a social impact of the Dutch colonization in the form of Cultivation which gave birth to the suffering of the people in the economic and social fields.

This article discusses the Russian theorists’ approach to information warfare, its applicability to regain the Soviet Union “lost territories”. Reviewed is the juridical background to consolidate the electronic media in the hands of the Russian government. The process of elimination alternative political opinions in Russia is reviewed. Discussed are the thoughts of Russian information warfare theorists about the media used to collect the areas considered as their own. The ways how the media can create the imaginary reality are examined. Russia's state-controlled information space overcomes Russian boundaries and enters the global information space.The information war is not a very new phenomenon. The current military affairs have been led by information war activities. Protests against the former Ukrainian president Viktor Janukovich started in late 2013 and concluded in the open revolt and overthrow of the existing regime. Discontent with such events, Russia brutally intervened in the internal Ukrainian affairs, occupied and annexed the Crimean peninsula, then provoked mutiny in estern Ukrainian regions. The war broke out, and the Russian media have been exploited to legitimize Kremlin’s and separatists actions.The purpose of the article is, by using analytical and comparative methods, to scrutinize the information war problematic in Russian’s works. Information space exploitation is a crucial Russian politics’ part. The consolidated and censored internal Russian media space is designed to consolidate society to support nationalistic and imperialistic Moscow ambitions and to prevent other than Kremlin ideas’ circulation. The information war is used to penetrate into the former Soviet Union republics’ media space, to form the media agenda, and to shape, now independent from Russia states societies’ views. Even more, Russia creates channels for non-Russian speakers to attract them to their side. The Russian media directly or by exploiting close relationships with Moscow business, construct the image of the favourable reality. The complicated social problems have led us to the fact that decision currently is made on the media supplied facts’ preferences. The perceptions of ideas is constructed in the information war twilight.The article also draws attention to fact that Lithuania is abjectly prepared to react to the external information war threat from Russia. Russia wisely uses the EU legislation loops into the penetrate to Lithuanian media space and to guarantee the EU law protection and contrary to Russia internally wiped out media field from the non-Kremlin-controlled media. The juridical posed law makes obstacles for foreign capital to invest in the Russian media. And the media which get grants from abroad is claimed to be foreign agents. Lithuania is very concerned about the information war influence on society, but the internal media business practices, the principles of electronic media regulations, and being so late to react do not allow to take effective contra measures. Lithuania has successfully intergraded into political, military, and economic western alliances, but not to the western media space. This fact allows Russia still to fight for Lithuanian hearts and souls.

Historiography reveals many visible and latent facts and opinions about how the history of communities and regions and the evolution of their social, environmental, economic, and political systems (SEEPS) are constructed according to the historian's perspective. This paper aims to provide a content analysis on how the historical construction of the discourse of the SEEPS effectively addressed the issues - especially in the textual and historical construction found in a historical text titled The Cultural Roots of the Pesalai Society, authored by S.A. Miranda. The book narrates the arrival and operation of the Western Colonizers resulting in the consequent socio-political transformation in the local community, changes in religious, cultural, and national identities and the ultimate evolution of new changes in the SEEPS. This content analysis focuses on establishing the relationships between the social, political, and environmental systems in the historical discourse of the book and assessing the historiographical representation of the SEEPS and the controlling factors in constructing the history of the Pesalai village and the Mannar District. The text combines integrated SEEPS providing governance-centric, anthropocentric, and eco-centric perspectives, while a theocentric discourse dominates the text. The book presents the information chronologically and thematically. This paper assesses the author's historical construction to study the impacts of the human-nature interface and natural and human-made changes related to the village system comparable to the whole district. It reveals the challenges and the creation of hybrid and multiple-use social and environmental systems, the interaction of the societal relationships with nature, and the village systems aligned to the political and social systems. The discourse reveals an attempt at reconciling a perennial conflict or competition of sustainable SEEPS against each other.

On 21 December 2019, the first cluster of patients with "pneumonia of an unknown cause," which was subsequently identified as a coronavirus or "COVID-19," were identified in Wuhan, China. As we now know the virus spread rapidly around the globe and on 11 March, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the virus a pandemic (BFPG, 2020). As we write, 368,944 deaths have been attributed to the virus internationally and there have been 6,028,135 confirmed cases (ECDC, 2020). The intense challenges and suffering that COVID-19 has created globally, nationally and within communities, families and for each individual have received intense media attention. So too has the contribution of nurses to the COVID-19 response. There has been a public outpouring of appreciation, gratitude and even love for nurses and nursing around the world. Whilst being sensitive to the significant distress caused by COVID-19, the pandemic has also brought into sharp focus some of the realities and challenges facing the modern-day nursing workforce. It has highlighted the status and power that we can draw upon as a profession to address health challenges, promote public health and to directly save people's lives. It has also, however, highlighted some enduring problems about how the profession is perceived. A Nexis UK search of all international English language news providers for the period 18 March 2020–18 April 2020, using the term "nurs*" in the headline alone, yielded 5,902 newspaper articles, 2,674 web-based publications and 2,149 newswires and press releases. In the same time period for 2019, the search identified 1659 newspaper reports, 855 web-based publications and 1,230 newswires and press releases. This represents almost a threefold increase in media coverage related to nursing in the current time period. At face value, this could be considered a cause for celebration, but a closer analysis demonstrates the tensions that characterise the images of nursing being projected in the 21st century. Whilst the traditional sexualised tropes have, perhaps temporarily, disappeared, the angelic image remains ever more present as do the strongly gendered roles characterised by subordination, servitude and even abuse. We took two of the most recent relevant headlines from media outlets representing each continent and analysed them thematically. The Chinese news from Xinhua General News Service (07/04/20) emphasised the importance of nurses with headlines such as "28,600 nurses support battle against COVID-19 in Hubei" and "Nurses important in China's fight against COVID-19: official," whereas The Jerusalem Post online edition and The Times of India emphasised the personal sacrifice made by nurses working with COVID-19 patients: "Nurse who worked with newborns tests positive for COVID-19 at Hadassah" (Jerusalem Post online edition 10/04/20) and "Nurse['s], 3-year-old kid tests positive" (The Times of India 18/04/20). AllAfrica Web Publications (English) also referred to the importance of nurses "Africa Can and Must Do More to Support Nurses and Midwives" (14/04/20) and emphasised personal sacrifice "UK Based Zimbabwean Nurse Dies From Coronavirus" (15/04/20). The same themes emerged from The Nation's (Nigeria) headlines, but they also referred to nurses having a voice: "COVID-19: Kwara nurses protest against risky working conditions" (10/04/20). Similarly, the National Post (Canada) highlighted the voice of nurses: "MNA Nurses and Healthcare Professionals on Front Lines of COVID-19 Pandemic Commend Governor and Legislature for Passage of Healthcare Worker Liability Protection Act" (18/04/20) but, in contrast, their second headline referred to the silencing of nurses: "St. Vincent Hospital Nurses Decry Tenet Healthcare Plan to Bully Nurses into Accepting Dangerous Staff Cuts and Re-Deployment Without Proper Safeguards; When Nurses Rejected the Plan, Tenet Issued Threat to Proceed with Mandatory Furloughs and Staff Cuts" (16/04/20). Silencing also emerged within The New York Times' headlines: "Nurse Questions Hospital On Safety. He's Out a Job" (10/04/20). The South American press focused on nurse protests in New York and the international shortage of nurses. In Europe, the tabloid English media focused more on the heroic/angelic nursing trope: "BGT [Britain's Got Talent TV show] nurse who caught coronavirus wows judges with song inspired by experience on ward" and "Hero nurses step in to care for baby boy after family catch coronavirus" (18/04/20), whereas The Independent (UK) emphasised the lack of care given to nurses: "Coronavirus: Nurses turned away from testing centres if they don't have appointments, MPs told; Ill staff sometimes driving two hours to be tested, only to be sent away, says nursing leader" (17/04/20) and "Calls to protect pregnant workers after nurse's death" (17/04/20). This theme also emerged from The New Zealand Herald (10/04/20) "Covid 19 coronavirus: Waikato Hospital nurses 'told to remove PPE' before positive Covid-19 results, NZ Nurses Organisation says." ABC Premium News (Australia) (15/04/20) highlighted a different type of lack of care: "Coronavirus has placed huge demands on hospitals, but it has also cost nurses their jobs"; the article goes on to discuss how bank nurses are facing financial hardship because non-COVID-19 work has been cancelled. This snapshot of global headlines related to nursing demonstrates some of the media constructions of modern-day nursing as vividly as the images we have seen of exhausted nurses with sores on their faces following hours of wearing protective masks whilst caring for people with COVID-19. In the current crisis, the nursing profession has been focused on delivering the best quality, evidence-based, compassionate care possible. Media reporting appears to have tentatively elevated the profession towards one with enhanced value and worth. Our national Chief Nursing Officers have shared the podium with Chief Medical Officers, Chief Scientific Officers and Government Ministers alike. On the one hand, nurses have been presented as heroic, yet we are also portrayed as victims with Governments facing charges of not respecting us sufficiently to protect our health. Militaristic language such as "battling on the frontline" and "dying in service" has become commonplace within both media and political discourse. Whilst war metaphors are ubiquitous in society (Flusberg, Matlock, & Thibodeau, 2018) to describe anything from facing a diagnosis of cancer to coping with food shortages, when applied to nursing in the COVID-19 situation they can serve to shift responsibility on to the individual practitioner and deflect from the shortcomings of health and political systems in planning for pandemics or investing in the preparation of the future nursing workforce. The application of war metaphors has also been applied to other groups, including medical professionals, but the juxtaposition between the "battle of COVID-19" and the selfless/angelic tropes of nursing has become powerful during this crisis. We are not aware of any nurses who signed up to the profession in the knowledge that they could expect to die in service. Nursing is caught in the balance between being elevated as vital key workers, yet politicians expect servitude, compliance (and even silence) rather than open criticism of their failings. There have been reports of nurses being instructed not to criticise employers publicly on social media as this is seen as "damaging to morale"; importantly, it also fails to conform to the angelic trope. Whilst we do not disagree with the public outpouring of gratitude to the courageous members of the profession who met this challenge head on, our concern lies with transforming the sentiments of gratitude and the current discourse about the importance of nursing into positive action so that we are recognised as highly educated, skilled and autonomous professionals who function as part of a team and in our own right. This challenge for a new recognition of the potential of nursing has never been so important, given the existing backdrop of health inequalities globally (United Nations, 2019) and the forecasted global economic downturn. The time ahead is going to be challenging. Whilst media discourses have been strident in their sympathy to the nursing workforce, their analyses have remained largely superficial. Nurses have been presented as a homogenous, selfless and unquestioning group. Diversity has been only fleetingly touched upon in relation to disparities in the higher death rate amongst black and minority ethnic nurses, but beyond this there has been a paucity of analysis about what we do and who we are. Visible and effective nurse leadership will be vital if we are to convert the enhanced attention and positive discourses about nursing into action. The COVID-19 pandemic has brought into stark focus the relationship between politics, economics, health policy, public health and the available nursing workforce across the world. Structural weaknesses in funding of health and social care systems, based on politically driven economic choices and social policies that influence the health of communities and drive inequalities globally as well as locally, are now being exposed as never before. Historically, nurses have often voiced a sense of powerlessness with regard to health policy; however, the current pandemic provides the profession with a stronger voice in influencing future policy and practice. Whilst we wait to discover the lasting impact of COVID-19, for nursing the lasting imprint will also be determined by the response of the leaders in our professional midst. Despite the extreme human suffering, there is hope that one positive legacy may be that nursing extends its reach into the shaping of health policy and decision-making at both the national and global levels, thereby influencing health inequalities and outcomes positively. Of equal importance though is the intersection of politics, economics, health policy and nurses' rights. This is a second positive legacy that we propose should be an outcome that we strive for from the COVID-19 crisis. Recent reports including the World Health Organisation's "2020" highlight the lack of female nurses in senior healthcare leadership positions and the need for nursing to have a place at the forefront of strategic as well as local healthcare decisions. The Royal College of Nursing and Oxford Brookes University recently explored gender and the construction of value within nursing before the COVID-19 pandemic (RCN, 2020). Recognising that women make up the majority of the workforce, the report highlighted pay gaps and enduring negative perceptions of nursing from society as well as from the profession itself. It is striking that self-perceptions often weaken the image and identity of nursing and add to the overall resistance by society to view nursing as playing "a safety–critical" role. Interviewing senior stakeholders, the report also described nursing leadership as hierarchical and lacking in representation at policy level. This is a point that returns us to ubiquitous narratives of nursing, based on historical and religious imagery and privileging the caring and gendered tropes that do not always align well with the qualities of nursing leadership (including purpose, vision and a strong sense of challenge when required). The traditional nursing narrative is one that we can perpetuate or choose to change and the global challenge of COVID-19 may provide the opportunity to do so. Now, also there is a need for more evidence about how to promote effective nursing leadership at the level of health system delivery, as well as more generally in a professional sense, in the organisations in which we work (Kelly, Lankshear, & Jones, 2016). How could we have known as we entered 2020 as the "Year of the Nurse and Midwife" that these months would prove so impactful on front-line nurses globally as they bear the overwhelming physical and psychological challenges of this pandemic? When the World Health Organisation heralded this year as a "once in a lifetime opportunity" to showcase the profession for all its impact, the seismic shift of attention on to nurses could not have been foreseen. Within the COVID-19 crisis, many nurses are working courageously and successfully in responsive mode and trying, at best, to save lives whilst maintaining or adding additional expertise to their organisations. We need to recognise and celebrate the contributions our colleagues in nursing homes, high-tech intensive care settings and in all contexts where nursing and care is being delivered, thereby acknowledging all as equally supporting the "front line." Across all specialties and settings, the primacy of patient care has been the focus globally. However, the well-being of nurses is of equal importance. A Nexis UK search of all international media using the terms nurse* AND death* AND (Corona* OR Covid*) revealed scant coverage of COVID-19 deaths amongst nurses internationally. Only one UK outlet (The Guardian) questioned whether sexism was a contributory factor with the lack of size appropriate PPE being available for women and therefore, the bulk of the nursing workforce. Beyond this, stories have focused on personal sacrifice with a significant lack of challenge or activism. Work-related deaths amongst nurses are simply not acceptable; we are not disposable, we have worth. The reticence of our professional bodies to speak out confidently, in ways that are not drowned out by others perceived as more powerful, needs to be overcome to ensure that the deaths of our colleagues are examined critically, and the causes identified. As we move forward, we need to create new tropes for nursing that extend beyond Nightingale's dominance as the "angelic lady with the lamp." As a global profession, we need new images that take us forward into the 21st century and build on our history, but also look more to the future where nurses are no longer side-lined and become silent victims of political decisions, which frequently result in unacceptable working conditions and an enduring diminished status. The lessons from COVID-19 will be many, and our lives, in a multitude of ways, may never be quite the same again. One important lesson, we argue, is to take this opportunity to stop promoting nursing tropes that serve only to devalue us and limit our influence. Instead as nurses, we should seize the opportunity to challenge the public understanding of nursing and present new versions of ourselves that do not constrain us, but rather emphasise all that nurses have done and have achieved in clinical, academic and leadership roles during the COVID-19 crisis. It is important to remember as we do so that nursing has always been advancing since Nightingale's birth and now, in this year of the nurse and in the wake of COVID-19, we choose to move beyond hagiography, and an idealised past, towards a radical new reality of contemporary nursing that has found its own voice.

Headline RUSSIA: Media space threatened by 'foreign agent' bill

Nowadays, the tense relations have been developed between Russia, European countries and the United States because of the inclusion of Crimea in the Russian Federation and the imposition of sanctions on Russia. The paper analyzes the specific nature of reflecting sanctions in international and Russian media. Being a part of a comparative sociological analysis, international restrictions and bans are considered in the dynamics of their development from 2014 to 2017. Based on the content analysis of domestic and international publications covering the issue under review, the author concludes that Russian media tries to reduce the impact of sanctions on the Russian economy while international media presents sanctions as a threat to Western companies.

The article provides a complex analysis of how entertainment media can serve to undermine a country’s resilience and security amidst hybrid war using the case of Ukraine as an example. The paper documents that before the launch of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in 2014, Russian media products had been heavily present in Ukrainian media space, including the entertainment segment. In 2017, Ukraine restricted access to some Russian media products and social media in its territory in an effort to counter disinformation and the use of user data by Russian security services via their access to the social media based in the Russian jurisdiction. Despite the measures taken by the state to address security challenges, build resilience and fight disinformation in the media, the influence of Russian entertainment media in shaping public opinion remains significant. In this paper, the authors analyze segments of the media space where Russian entertainment products are present in Ukraine, the tools used by Russia to enforce its narratives through media content, and the ways Ukraine has responded to these. This paper aims at demonstrating the role of entertainment mass media in the resilience of countries and how it is used in the context of hybrid war. Also, it looks at the efforts to counter this influence. The research shows that Russian entertainment media and content act as a soft power or cultural affinity element alongside misinformation or manipulations via news or information content. By using historical references, demonstrating civilizational and moral superiority, showing Slavic brotherhood, Russia and russocentric forces use entertainment media to shape and manipulate public opinion. As content consumption switches from linear media, such as television, to non-linear clusters of conventional and digital outlets, the room for the distribution of manipulative messages and narratives expands. Among other things, this undermines the resilience of countries and endangers their national security, especially in the hybrid war context. Much is being done to counter this impact. Ukraine’s restrictive measures against some Russian media, social networks and content have been effective in that they have decreased the consumption and the trust for Russian media amongst Ukrainian audiences. Offering alternative content, produced domestically and internationally, has contributed to diversification of the content, moving the audiences from the Russocentric cultural product to a more diverse one.

<p>In the conditions of Ukraine's development as a legal state, the modernization of its political system on the basis of democratic values, the relevance of the problem of forming the political culture of students in higher education is growing significantly. During the establishment of this process, actual theoretical ideas and practical experience on the identified problem of scientists and teachers working in higher education in different countries of the world can become essential in this case. In particular, the teachers of France and China have considerable interest in this regard. France is one of the most developed European countries. In this state there is a tendency to a pluralistic type of political socialization, which is characterized by the indirect nature of the interaction between the citizen and the government, the existence of a significant number of diverse subcultures where the primary socialization of a person is taking place. A common phenomenon for France is to strikes, to have political protests in which a significant number of as ordinary citizens as well-known political figures usually participate. Corporatization and cultural and religious diversity of the French society have caused the background for the absence of complete system of political socialization for the individual in the state. Instead, the political socialization of people is realized by involving them to know and master the values of the social group to which they belong. The revealed characteristics of France's socio-political development have a significant influence on the students’ process of forming the political culture in French universities. As it is identified in the study, the leading place in this process is occupied by youth public organizations and other informal student associations, student councils, interim commissions and discussion groups which set up to perform specific tasks. The most important problems are discussed at the general meeting (assemblies). As it’s determined in  the study, the majority of French students actively participate in the socio-political life of the country, the struggle for their rights, liberties and, in general, for democratic transformations in society, to show a highly socio-political activity. However, the manifestation of youth maximalism often causes the collision between young people and the police or the further conflicts with the administration of universities. At the same time, it should be prospered that in France the process of formation of political culture of high school students occurs during the process of active socio-political activity, which encourages young people to realize responsibility for their public words, behavior and actions, and what is more important for further consequences.Comparing the model for the formation of the political culture of high school students in France and China, it should be noted that they are fundamentally different. The formation of political culture in China occurred under the significant influence of ancient Chinese doctrines and philosophical and religious views. At the same time in China, according to the new demands of modern society, the transformation of the political system is taking place, which, in particular, is manifested in the further development of the political culture of citizens. The centerpiece in it takes those values and attitudes which ensure the preservation of the existing political system. The organization and content of educational work aimed at forming the  political culture of students in Chinese universities and is fully consistent with the  state strategy for the modernization of the political system in China. Leading role in this process is carried out by organizations and youth associations. One of the effective ways of forming a political culture of student youth in China is its involvement in the work of student self-government bodies. However, unlike the Western European countries, all important decisions should be coordinated with Chinese university leaders and representatives of the university administration and party management bodies. In general, the process of shaping the political culture of Chinese students is directly aimed at educating future specialists as politically aware and active citizens who share traditional sociopolitical values of Chinese people and make intensive efforts to improve their well-being. In the conditions of European integration of Ukraine, the greatest interest for Ukrainian educators lies under the experience of the formation of political culture in French universities. However, we believe that it is also appropriate at the same time to study carefully and to use creatively the certain valuable developments in the field of political education of both Chinese scientists and practitioners</p>

Although Russian media acquired unprecedented editorial independence during the early 1990s, problems making ends meet forced many media outlets into arrangements that eroded their freedom by the end of the decade. The 1996 presidential campaign gave both politicians and business groups strong incentives to acquire financial control over media outlets. The media's growing reliance on wealthy individuals, business groups and political patrons facilitated attempts by owners and sponsors to use media resources as political weapons. As the end of Boris Yeltsin's presidency loomed, state officials embarked on a wide-ranging strategy to make better use of state media resources and to constrain editorial independence in private media. The dependence of many media outlets on corporate groups helped those state policies succeed.

Health is strongly influenced by commercial actors. For-profit organisations engage in a range of activities impacting the behaviours, relationships, environments and social systems that shape our health. These impacts are necessarily gendered. That is, they are experienced differently - and have different health effects - for women, men and people with other gender identities. They also interact with gendered social, economic and political systems in ways that can harm health by reinforcing problematic gender dynamics, exploiting gendered patterns of production, and exacerbating gender inequities. This chapter examines the gendered impacts of the commercial determinants of health. It briefly reviews relevant theory and the historical role of commercial interests in shaping our gendered legal, political and social systems. The gendered impacts of commercial determinants are then explored via a case-study of alcohol - noting the gendered nature of alcohol-related harm, alcohol advertising, and the political economy of the alcohol industry.

Introduction: SARS COV-2 pandemic has been a nightmare for medical, political and social systems all over the world, right from the point of initial diagnosis, treatment protocols, anticipated vaccine development and prevention strategies.