산수 이종률의 사상형성 과정과 민족혁명·인간혁명론 - 『現代政治路線批判과 그 新方向: 革命 「正展開」 캄파 組織의 提訴로서』를 중심으로 -

While multiculturalism lost popular support in Europe, it gained public interest and policy attention in Northeast Asia, particularly in South Korea since the 1990s. Korea accepted multiculturalism discourse and policy with great enthusiasm. Given a small number of immigrants, especially a smaller number of permanent residents, the enthusiasm for multiculturalism that Korean people have shown so far is quite surprising and unusual. The drive behind a multiculturalism fad was possible because it was thought to be politically correct and was regarded as synonym for globalization and advancement, a step toward joining the ranks of advanced nations. The Korean approach to multiculturalism has several distinctive characteristics. First, multiculturalism and migrant integration are not clearly distinguished, and terms, such as multicultural policy, multiculturalism policy, foreign policy, and immigration policy, are often used almost synonymously and interchangeably. Second, the main target group or beneficiary of the government’s migrant integration policy is people in international marriages and their children. Migrant workers, who account for a larger share of immigrants in Korea, are not considered a major clientele of migrant integration programs. Ethnic Chinese, who have lived in Korean soil for many generations, are not even considered a relevant target group that the government needs to take care of. Third, most migrant integration policies and programs aim at assimilating immigrants to Korean culture and society rather than accepting cultures and identities of immigrant groups. Fourth, the Korean people and society as a whole are pretty sympathetic toward immigrants, especially toward female marriage migrants and their children. Because of the general public’s positive and benevolent attitudes toward immigrants, the Korean government allocated a generous budget for migrant integration programs. Fifth, because immigrants and ethnic minorities are not numerous and non-threatening and had arrived in Korea in different time periods, the Korean society has responded to each group in a separate manner. The group-specific approach has not only created fissures among migrants, but has also amplified prejudices and stereotypes, even antagonism and conflict among migrants and natives. Thus, in the future, government support ought to be provided to people equally, not according to their particular background information and identity, but according to their needs as determined by universal standards such as social class and risk factors (familial dissolution, sickness, and unemployment).KeywordsMigrant WorkerKorean GovernmentReverse DiscriminationMulticultural SocietyKorean PeopleThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

The purpose of this study is to understand the social change and dining culture in Korean society by emphasizing in Honbap (??), which means eating alone. In Asian countries as Korean society is a collectivism society which people are strong in-groups for a long time, unlike the Western countries where people are in individualism society. The influence of collectivistic values includes the dining culture in Korean society as eating out. Normally, Korean people usually prefer to eat with friends, family members, colleagues�rather than eating alone. Eating alone in public looks strange like an outcast, it is hard to find Korean people eating alone in a restaurant. But nowadays, the prosperity of technology, modernization and westernization affects Korean society, the individualistic values also expand among Korean people through the Western culture and also impact to values and demographic change such as late marriage, low fertility in Korean society. The value change not only affects the social change, but also affects dining culture, and eating alone trend gradually occurs in Korean society.

International Review of MissionVolume 88, Issue 351 p. 399-413 EXPERIENCE OF RELIGIOUS PLURALITY IN KOREA ITS THEOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS MOONJANG LEE, MOONJANG LEE Dr Moonjang Lee lectures in Asian Theology at the Centre for the Study of Christianity in the Non-Western World, New College, Edinburgh, Scotland.Search for more papers by this author MOONJANG LEE, MOONJANG LEE Dr Moonjang Lee lectures in Asian Theology at the Centre for the Study of Christianity in the Non-Western World, New College, Edinburgh, Scotland.Search for more papers by this author First published: 25 March 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6631.1999.tb00168.xCitations: 3 Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume88, Issue351October 1999Pages 399-413 RelatedInformation

Objectives The aim of this study was to understand the degree of multicultural acceptance perceived by international students in Korean society and to examine the impact of language proficiency, discrimination experiences, and social support on their perceived multicultural acceptance. Methods This study was conducted as a secondary data analysis of the ‘Survey on Immigrants’ Perception of Multicultural Acceptance in Korean Society’ conducted in 2021. A total of 141 international students who were residing in Korea for academic purposes were included as the research subjects. Demographic characteristics, language proficiency, discrimination experiences, social support, and perceived multicultural acceptance were measured and analyzed using the SPSS program. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the characteristics of the variables. Differences in multicultural acceptance according to general characteristics and major independent variables were analyzed using independent t-tests and ANOVA. The impact of language proficiency, discrimination experiences, and social support on multicultural acceptance was analyzed using multiple regression analysis. Results The factors influencing the diversity dimension of multicultural acceptance were being female(β=.165, p=.042), language proficiency(β=-.256, p=.002), and having at least 5 Korean people who can help(β=.240, p=.018). The only factor influencing the relationship dimension of multicultural acceptance was being female(β=.262, p=.002). Conclusions Female international students tended to positively evaluate both the diversity and relationship dimensions of multicultural acceptance. Those with higher language proficiency tended to evaluate the diversity dimension negatively, while those with having at least 5 Korean people who can help positively evaluated the diversity dimension. These findings suggest that improving the social relationships of international students could lead to a positive change in their perception of multicultural acceptance in Korean society. Further research is needed to explore in more depth the impact of gender and language proficiency on multicultural acceptance.

Paik Nak‐chung's theoretical works on modernity and postmodernity emerged above the horizon in the early 1990s, some years after two great, national and global, political upheavals: in 1987, the Korean people finally succeeded in taking back democracy, at least in the formal and procedural dimension, after more than a quarter of a century of a military regime; and a year after, the so‐called existing socialist states collapsed. The successful democratization, combined with the collapse of the socialist states helped make the values the Korean people have grappled with suddenly look obsolete, so that many Korean scholars moved to the right. In fact, a considerable number of those who ‘turned coats’ were in the progressive camp, thinking that the triumph of capitalism was absolute and it left them with no other option than a postmodern version of Weltanshauung to understand the world as it was unfolding in front of their eyes. Paik Nak‐chung also changed his theories at the face of new‐fangled political situations, arguing that the Korean society had reached a new phase. Instead of following the then prevalent climate of the Korean academia or forsaking the ‘old’ values as obsolete, however, he developed two new theories, the Discourses of Division System, and the Discourses of Overcoming Modernity, one by one, responding to the nature of the new challenges the Korean society faced. As will be argued here, what is fascinating about his theorization is that, although those newly coined discourses show his changed understanding of the world, they are not wholly new, so they should rather be aligned on the framework of his earlier arguments: the content changed, however, with its framework left almost intact. This article, then, aims to chart the way his theorization has been changed by the fresh challenges of the Korean society and the way it has nevertheless kept its essentials, refusing an easy dichotomy between modernity and postmodernity.

The purpose of the study is to examine the actual conditions of adaptation of foreign workers who have immigrated to Korea and to search for policies supporting their sociocultural adaptation on the basis of the survey results. Immigrant workers have to accommodate themselves to new cultural, moral and value standards. They must understand Korean society and people and make new personal relationships; otherwise their usual lives would be under a condition of conflict and tension. Especially in Korea, known as culturally exclusive and ethnically homogeneous, immigrant workers will have more difficulties in adaptation. As important factors of sociocultural adaptation of immigrant workers, this study investigates the level of comprehension of Korean language; the degree of understanding of Korean value standards and the Korean way of thinking and living; and the rate of contacts with a social network and their own culture. The results are as follows. Foreign workers show differences among themselves in terms of their degree of sociocultural adaptation. The more they know about Korea, the less they tend to be stressed. The more they understand Korean language, society and culture, the more they are satisfied with Korean life. However, the more they experience discriminations, the more they feel stresses. Frequently keeping contacts with their own culture, they get in touch with their compatriots. Also, they sometimes take part in Korean organizations as well as meeting Koreans. For social integration, Korean society must support both adaptation?related education for foreign workers and multicultural education for Koreans.

재한조선족은 우리와는 같은 민족이자 다문화 한국사회를 대표하는 해외 이주민 집단이다. 이들은 한국이주 이후 한국사회와 연계하고자 했던 한민족개념에 대응하면서 자신들만의 집거지를 형성하였고 그 범위를 점차 확대해오고 있다. 동시에 집거지 내부에서의 중국색이 강한 자신들만의 문화를 중심으로 한국문화와 차별화 및 분리화를 시도하는 분절동화현상을 발현하면서 한민족정체성 형성보다는 중국소수민족으로서의 정체성 형성을 강화해오고 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 재한조선족 집거지 내부의 분절동화현상에 의한 민족정체성 변화 요인을 살펴보고, 한국사회가 긍정적인 포용적 동화주의 관점을 토대로 민족정체성 형성 재편을 위한 방안을 탐색하였다. 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 한국사회는 서구사회의 보편적인 민족개념을 수용하고 민족, 인종, 피부 색깔 등의 차별을 탈피하고 상호 공감대 형성과 동시에 이데올로기적인 종족적(ethnic) 민족주의 개념범위를 확대해야 한다. 둘째, 한국사회는 민족정체성 형성 재편을 위해 재한조선족의 집거지에서 발생하고 있는 분절동화현상을 적극적으로 수용하고 대응해야 한다. 셋째, 다문화 한국사회는 재한조선족을 포함하여 해외 이주민에 대한 적극적인 인식과 태도의 전환이 필요하다.Korean-Chinese people who live in Korea should be considered part of the Korean ethnic group with no difference from native Korean people. They are a group of international migrants who represent Korean society. This group reflects the concept of a Korean people that seeks to connect with Korean society after immigrating to Korea. At the same time, they have strengthened their identity as a minority ethnic group in China rather than establishing a Korean identity by exhibiting segmental assimilation through attempting to differentiate and separate Korean culture from their own culture that is centered on their experience of Chinese culture. In this study, we investigated the factors that result in changes in ethnic identity through the segmental assimilation phenomenon exhibited by Korean-Chinese people residing in Korea and searched for the basis of ethnic identity reconstruction within the inclusive assimilationist perspective. We obtained the following results. First, Korean society should accept the universal concept of nationalism and move away from discrimination based on characteristics such as race, ethnicity and skin color and expand the scope of ideological nationalism while forming consensus. Second, Korean society should positively accept and respond to the segmentalization phenomenon occurring in the Korean-Chinese community in order to facilitate the formation of national identity. Third, multicultural Korean society needs to be actively aware of foreign migrants, including Korean-Chinese people living in Korea and change their attitudes toward foreign residents.

This study aims to understand social integration of Southeast Asian students who studied in Seoul National University by using Bosswick & Heckman social integration theory in order to understand social integration and how important of language towards foreign students help them in specially adjust themselves into Korean society.� The important of language is used to examine social integration. The qualitative approach was applied in this study.
 
 �Four dimensions of social integration theory are acknowledged as the central components of successful integration:� structural, cultural, interactive, and identification. And the samples were 20 Southeast Asian students in Seoul National University. The research instrument employed in this study was In-depth individual interview to receive more information in different way about their perspective towards Korean society.�
 
 �Based on the results, the most respondents think language is important to them to get along with Korean society and easy to interact with Korean people. The results show that most respondents choose to come to study in Korea with their own decision so they can easily to adapt themselves into Korean society and more understanding about character of Korean society.

Until the 1950s, Ascaris was regarded as an essential part of life which controls every aspect of human physiology among Koreans. Therefore, Ascaris should not be removed from human body. Efforts from medical professionals and the Korean government officials who wished to push forward the parasite control program, had to constantly contest with this perception of Ascaris among ordinary Koreans. In 1966, the 'Parasitic Disease Prevention Act' was promulgated and 'the Korean Association for Parasite Eradication (KAPE)' established in Korea. From the 1970s, Korea mobilized 15 million people each year to achieve the eradication goal. Such mass mobilization could not be possible without public awareness on necessity of parasite eradication. Until the early 1960s, however, Korean people were not sympathetic to the needs of eradication of parasites, especially that of Ascaris. Then, what changed the social perception towards Ascaris during the 1960s? What contributing factors allowed the mass mobilization and public involvement for that campaign? Employing newspaper articles and periodicals, this paper analyzes how social perception on Ascariasis changed during the 1960s, when the 'Parasitic Disease Prevention Act' was established. During the 1960s, Ascariasis became a shameful disease for Koreans. A series of events made Ascariasis more visible and shameful to Koreans. First event happened with Korean miners who were dispatched to Germany in 1963. When the miners turned out to have been infected with intestinal parasites, they were prohibited from work at the mines by the authorities in Germany and quarantined for several weeks. This humiliating experience of Korean expatriate people having bodies swarmed with parasites became a national shame to Koreans. The parasite infected bodies of Korean workers were revealed to the World through German newspapers. Second event happened when a child died of intestinal obstruction due to Ascariasis. The doctor retrieved 1,063 Ascaris from the bowel of the 9 year-old girl, and the photo of the 1,063 worms was published in several newspapers. It was a shocking visualization of Ascariasis in Korean society. Through these visualizations of Ascariasis, the Korean society began to perceive Ascariasis as a shame of the nation as well as that of an individual.

There are perhaps only two other events in modern Korean history that can rival the Korean War in terms of the scope and duration of impact on the Korean people. They are Japanese colonial rule (1910 45) and the partition of the Korean peninsula in the wake of the Japanese surrender in World War II. During the three-year conflict (1950-53) about three million Koreans were killed, wounded, or miss ing. Those whose families were broken up by the war numbered an astounding ten million—a third of the combined population of the two Korean states in the early 1950s. Four decades after the Korean Armistice, the separated family members have yet to be reunited; the wall dividing the Korean people remains to be dismantled, even though the prospects for its gradual removal have improved measurably in the past year or so. The war has had such a pervasive impact on Korean society and politics that it is hard to find an area that can be totally insulated from it.

In this article the authors describe a comprehensive migration policy for the resettlement of ethnic Koreans to South Korea. According to the latest data, the number of ethnic Koreans who moved to South Korea from the CIS countries, called “Koryoin” or “Koryo-Saram,” has reached 800 thousand. Therefore, the question of their representatives in Korean society is relevant. Based on historical, content analysis and biological research methods, the authors gradually analyze the history of migration of Korean repatriates and try to determine the reason for their return to their historical homeland. The main reason for attracting ethnic Koreans to the country is to fill the shortage of cheap labor in South Korea. The reason why repatriates move to South Korea is concerned with the goal of improving the quality of life and economic conditions. However, despite all the favorable conditions created by the host country, repatriates will have to face difficulties in the process of integration in Korean society. First of all, this is a language problem. The problem of finding work to complete also remains relevant. Therefore, ethnic Korean immigrants began to form a network among themselves to solve these problems. On the one hand, these isolated gated communities are a major obstacle to the integration of ethnic Koreans in the host society, and on the other hand, such closed networks ensure the stability and security of Korea.

Korea is a country of several myths and legends which have made profound influence on its culture and society since the historical times. However, the two ancient myths are playing an important role in contemporary Korea. One is the myth of the foundation of the Korean nation by Dangun in 2333 BCE and the other is the myth of the marriage of an Indian princess to a Korean King Kim Suro in 48 CE. Both myths were mentioned in the ancient Korean text of Samguk Yusa or the ＂Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms＂ which was written in the 13^(th) century CE. The myth of Dangun symbolizes the ethnic homogeneity of the Korean people; on the other hand the myth of Kim Suro's marriage symbolizes the multiracial and multicultural aspect of the Korean society. Both myths are used for and against the arguments regarding multiculturalism in contemporary Korea. Despite the fact that Korea has increasingly become globalized and multicultural in the recent years, but the forces against this trend have also become stronger as is evident from some recent surveys and reports. A ＂multicultural Korea＂ is still an oxymoron as Korea remains a closed society. Presently, the Korean society is deeply divided over the issue of maintaining racial and cultural homogeneity or accepting the heterogeneity in Korea. This paper is an effort to understand the significance of these two ancient myths in the contemporary Korean society and politics and to look into ways to bring about a balance between the two antagonistic ideas exemplified by these myths.

Nursing practices should be based on the understanding of human beings. In order to understand human beings, it is important to study the lifestyles and thoughts of people in their natural environment. In this sense, the cultural aspects of a society need to be studied for a culture-bound nursing service. Child care, which is an important element of nursing, is also strongly influenced by the culture of a society. Therefore, a cultural study is necessary to understand the child-rearing practices of any society. The major purpose of this dissertation is to provide basic foundations for developing a culture-based theory for nursing intervention through studying traditional cultural elements of child care in Korean society. The study examined child-rearing practices in a small village on Koje Island in the southern part of Korea. It utilized ethnographic methodologies including participatory observations and in-depth interviews. The study participants were 9 Korean mothers living on Koje Island. The average age was 52. The data were collected between July in 1998 and December in 1999. The average number of interviews per person was 7-8, and the duration of each interview was approximately 2 hours. The data were analyzed using the Spradley Analytical Method. The following 9 major child-rearing aspects of mothers on Koje Island were discovered as a result of the study: 1. Firstly, mothers on Koje Island were mostly concerned about the "Old Birth Goddess' Curse", especially during their child's early years. This concern was evidenced by their careful behavior when their child was very young and by their praying to the Old Birth Goddess not to be jealous of their babies.2. Secondly, they wished their children to live a different and better life than themselves. It was represented by their strong motivation toward their children's education as well as their expectation for their children's success. In traditional Korean culture, Korean people think that the rise and fall of the household depend on their offsprings. Therefore, Korean mothers wish their children attain to a higher level of social status through education.3. Third, mothers are concerned about their children's righteousness. Mothers on Koje island expect their children to live with discretion, justice, strength, respect, harmony, and to do their best in life.4. Next was an 'anticipation of their children's happy marriage'. The attributes of this category were an 'anxiety about their children's married life', and 'an expectation of a good spouse for their children'. Because Korean people believe that only a son can continue the bloodline of a family, especially Korean mothers have a great concern of the possibility of their daughters not having a son after marriage. Also they have different expectations toward their daughter-in-laws than son-in-laws.5. Korean mothers also derived their satisfaction from their son. It was characterized by 'excessive affection toward their son', 'dependency on their son', and 'being afraid of their married daughter having a girl like themselves'. Korean society has been a patriarchy. Therefore, a son is beloved as someone who will take care of his old parents, be in charge of ancestral rites, and provide a daughter-in-law who can conceive a son.6. The sixth category concerned 'the differences in their expectations for their children'. The attributes in this category were 'different expectations depending on their children's gender', 'different expectations depending on their children's ability', and a 'great sympathy toward children with low abilities'. Korean mothers expect their son to become better than their daughter.7. The seventh category was related to their 'roles in child-caring practices'. Traditionally a child was raised in an extended family system in Korea So it was not the sole duty of a mother to bring up the child. Korean mothers used to receive much help rasing children from their in-laws, and family members. On the other hand, many children grew up by themselves, because their mothers were very busy taking care of housework. Furthermore, many children also grew up in poverty.8. Mothers also had issues related to 'conflicts in child rearing'. They were characterized by 'lack of understanding', 'rudeness of children', and 'giving vent to one's anger'.9. Finally, mothers regretted not doing their best in child-rearing practices. It was characterized by a 'bitter feeling of repentance', 'feeling irritated', and 'feeling of unsatisfaction'.

The Paradox of Genealogy: Family Politics and the Publishing Surge of Chokpo in Colonial Korea Yang-Hee Hong In 1920s and 1930s colonial Korea, the practice of purchasing and publishing chokpo, the genealogical record of family lieange, became widespread. This trend was considered a strange phenomenon to reform-minded Korean intellectuals, since chokpo was seen as a symbol of past morality—a product of obsolete familism that contributed to Chosŏn Korea’s collapse. Korea’s familism, symbolized by chokpo, was hence recognized as an obstacle to the formation of nationhood necessary for rebuilding Korea: familism precluded the creation of a “one nation” identity. Despite the criticism, the Korean people’s desire for chokpo did not abate but was strengthened by publishing companies and their brokers. The most fundamental reason for the increase in the desire for chokpo was the family system implemented by the Japanese colonial authority. The patrilineal succession of the household and the surname system, universally enforced to all Koreans under the colonial family system, were similar to the traditional family culture of upper class yangban. The colonial family system thus gave rise to the spread and enjoyment of yangban culture, which, in turn, resulted in the chokpo publishing surge. Eventually, the family system established by the Japanese colonial authority led to the universal acceptance of the patrilineal system by all Koreans. This acceptance strengthened the cultural identity of Koreans based on patrilineage, which served as the foundation of Korea’s cultural nationalism Korean Studies © 2022 by University of Hawai‘i Press. All rights reserved. 1 Keywords: colonial Korea, chokpo, family law, familism, patrilineage, surname system, Japanese colonialism Introduction: The Publishing Surge of Chokpo in Colonial Korea A unique phenomenon in colonial Korea (1910–1945) was the popularization of chokpo. This category of books was at the top of the list of publication license applications that the Japanese GovernmentGeneral of Korea announced each year. The publication of chokpo began to increase in the 1920s and enjoyed its golden age in the 1930s.1 There were seven volumes of chokpo published in 1912, but by 1921, the total number of publication increased eleven fold. There were 243 volumes in 1925, 290 in 1926, and many more in the 1930s.2 According to the repository of chokpo stored in the National Library of Korea, 1,152 volumes of chokpo were published in the 1930s, which is 46% of all chokpo archived in the library.3 Chokpo is a genealogical record of a patrilineal lineage based on the same surname and the surname lineage seat (pon’gwan or pon)—the original place of the progenitor. Compiling chokpo was an exclusive practice among the yangban aristocracy in Chosŏn Korea. In colonial Korea, the social status system had ostensibly been abolished, but chokpo, the quintessential yangban publication, gained immense popularity. An article in Tong-A Ilbo in 1926 reported this phenomenon as “strange.”4 Zenshō Eisuke, a Japanese official of the Government-General of Korea, invented the term tongjok-purak (blood-relative village 同族部落) to characterize Korean society. Zenshō argued that same-surname villages were a unique feature of Korean society and that there was a close relationship between these vollages and the Korean people’s attachment to patrilineal ties. Zenshō thus explained the publication boom of chokpo in colonial Korea by using the notion of blood-relative group sharing the same patrilineal lineage. He argued that Koreans considered chokpo important, because Koreans had “a tendency to respect the genealogical clarification of their blood relations, as Asian people worship ancestors and follow the history or tradition of a family.”5 He went on to say: There are many downsides in the publishing of chokpo. In Korean society, in which the people worship their ancestors and value their own clans, where homogeneity of blood-relative group is strong, chokpo is being excessively esteemed at the moment. Of all the various annual publications in Korea, chokpo 2 Korean Studies 2022 is actually the number one publication. . . . Science does not advance and knowledge does not grow in Korea because of Korea’s inability to free its legs and escape the old muddy fields of chokpo and famous families. . . . . one should not take lightly...

“Korean History” by the 2015 National Curriculum has organized the Independence Movement showing the following features. Firstly, it has divided the ‘Japanese colonial era’ into three, to comprehend the Japanese colonial policy and the Korean people’s nationwide movement in connection with international situations thereabout. Moreover, it identified the independence movement continuously from the 1910s to the post-liberation period and presented changes in the independence movement over time. It’s emphasis on social movement is greatly noticeable. We find it meaningful to observe the country Koreans were trying to establish. Accordingly, the activities of Koreans in the 1920s and 1930s, which had been covered as national movements in one, were re-classified into national activities and social movements.<BR> There were many inquiry activites on ‘Japanese colonial era’ which to evaluate the historical significance of various national activities and also to identify the importance of social movements as well. Through these activities, it seems that they wanted to understand the independence movement in various ways and promote critical thinking.