ABSTRACT This article examines Georgia’s foreign policy from 2022 to 2024. The relevance of this topic is given by the window of opportunity for the association trio (Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine) to begin European Union accession talks following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. However, Georgia’s application for EU membership, culminating in the awarding of candidate status in December 2023, has merely provided a compliance illusion. Paradoxically, despite the unprecedented EU accession opportunity, the ruling Georgian Dream party has shown an increasing readiness to undermine relations with the West in pursuit of domestic power consolidation. Between 2022 and 2024, Georgia’s foreign policy deviated from the Euro-Atlantic course, and, under the guise of foreign policy hedging, largely felt under Russia’s influence. The analysis suggests this ‘pseudo-hedging’ has been driven by two mutually reinforcing motivations: the pursuit of domestic power consolidation and the imperative to cope with the threat posed by Russia.

Abstract The subject of this study comprises how Turkey’s EU membership is seen by HDP-supporter Kurdish voters in Turkey, as a non-EU country that has on-hold negotiations but still an ostensible vision for membership. There is a dearth of literature regarding Kurdish voters’ views on the EU, and this study, employing the focus group method, aims to address this gap by providing insights into the perspectives of Kurdish voters who support the HDP on Turkey-EU relations and their attitudes toward the EU. The study employs focus group methodology to assess whether the independentist demands that began to spring in Europe are also becoming popular among Kurdish voters. The primary finding derived from the focus group study indicates that the interviewees exhibited limited interest in both the EU negotiations and the EU’s handling of the Kurdish issue, and that the EU accession process failed to evoke significant enthusiasm among the interviewees. Meanwhile, developments pertaining to the Kurdish population in Syria and Iraq have generated a significantly higher level of enthusiasm when compared to the negotiations with the European Union.

The proper and effective transposition of the European Union's environmental Directives into national legal frameworks is a sine qua non condition for states aspiring to EU membership, directly influencing both their progress toward accession and the preservation of their natural heritage. A comprehensive analysis of how the Habitats Directive (92/43/EEC) has been transposed into the legislation of the Republic of Moldova reveals significant shortcomings that undermine both legal compliance and the practical feasibility of implementation. This article provides an in-depth examination of Law No. 94/2007 on the ecological network, identifying critical gaps in the definition of fundamental concepts, biodiversity assessment procedures, monitoring and reporting obligations, and the management of private land. Through a rigorous comparative approach that juxtaposes national legislation with the requirements of Article 6 of the Habitats Directive, this study proposes solutions for aligning Moldova's legal framework with the standards of the EU environmental acquis. The analysis is grounded in a meticulous review of legislative texts, aiming to place Moldova's challenges within the broader context of the EU accession process for candidate countries.

This article aims to analyze the development of Ukraine's legal culture in the context of its strategic course toward European integration and its impact on the modernization of the national legal system, which determines the relevance of this research. The study employed interdisciplinary and terminological approaches, as well as dialectical, hermeneutic, historical-legal, comparative-legal, system-functional, and legal modeling methods. The content of the concepts of "legal system" and "legal culture" is revealed, and their characteristics are provided. The core of the study is an analysis of the role of European integration (within the framework of both the Council of Europe and the European Union) in modernizing Ukraine's legal system and reforming its structural elements, particularly its legal culture. The article substantiates the importance of adapting Ukraine's legal system to the legal order of the European Union. This involves not only aligning Ukrainian legislation with the EU acquis communautaire but also adopting the system of legal values, principles, procedures, and practices on which EU law is based. Furthermore, it requires reorienting national legal science and legal education toward European standards. The research analyzes national legal acts and EU legal acts, which are mostly related to fulfilling the legal criteria for EU membership. Overall, the results of this study can be helpful for a more thorough analysis of the evolution of Ukraine's legal system under the influence of European integration processes. The findings can also aid in developing a draft Concept for improving the legal culture of Ukrainian society and measures aimed at raising the level of legal culture among civil servants.

This article aims to challenge normative representations of European integration that foreground EU membership as a structuring principle. In the scholarly literature, differentiation is increasingly recognized as a structural feature of the EU rooted in heterogeneous preferences and capacities between countries within and beyond its borders. Despite that, conventional maps continue to represent European integration as monolithic blocs defined by de jure ratification of treaties rather than variegated geographies driven by de facto heterogeneity of preferences and capacities. To map these variegated geographies, this article conceptualizes heterogeneity in terms of dynamic proximity and proposes an original mapping methodology based on cluster analysis. The results of the analysis show that different geographies of proximity between countries appear on the map depending on the dimension (institutional or organizational proximity) and the year (2000, 2010 or 2019) considered and that these geometries can only partially be traced back to bordering processes associated with EU membership.

The political catchphrase Western Balkans has become synonymous for the states and entities in this region which already are in the process of joining the European Union. After Croatia’s membership to the European Union, two approaches have become almost certain: that the European Union will not expand “horizontally” in the medium term and that it is difficult to expect the EU membership of any individual country from the Western Balkans separately from the others, respectively, the assumption of the potential integration of the entire region altogether have become almost universally accepted thesis within political and academic society. In this paper, the key research question is does, in the case of the Western Balkans, the European Union will use the regional approach of integration, i.e., does the entire region will become part of the Union altogether, in the classical sense of understanding full membership in the EU, according to the model of the admission of the countries of Central Europe, i.e., the so-called Visegrad group? From a theoretical point, this paper will provide a contribution to actualising the importance of regionalisation and regional integration in the achievement of foreign policy goals of small and microstates, such as the so-called “six” in the Western Balkans.

In Sweden, the statutory audit extends beyond the financial statement audit. It mandates an audit of the company's administration by the board and the managing director (management audit). Despite being a national tradition since the mid-seventeenth century and resisting various harmonisation efforts, the practice remains under-researched in accounting history. This study aims to analyse the development of the Swedish management audit from its legal inception in 1895 to 1994, the year prior to Sweden's EU membership. Through the lens of historical institutionalism and using document analysis, our findings reveal how critical events have prompted institutional changes, and how path dependencies have both sustained the continuity of the Swedish management audit and shaped its trajectory. The study offers three key contributions. Firstly, it deepens understanding of the antecedents of the Swedish management audit and the institutional context that has shaped its development, offering a nuanced perspective on its status and relation to the financial statement audit, both of which form part of the statutory audit. Secondly, it underscores the need for context-sensitivity in international harmonisation endeavours, emphasising the caution needed when adapting global audit standards to local regulatory environments and national audit traditions. Thirdly, it provides insights into the opportunities and challenges posed by the broader scope of the Swedish management audit, particularly in relation to the audit expectation gap literature. Furthermore, the study advances new avenues of inquiry, encouraging a rethinking of the audit concept to enhance its relevance both in Sweden and on a broader scale.

This study utilises William Reddy’s concept of ‘emotional regimes’ to analyse emotional mobilisation in Finland’s 1994 parliamentary debates on EU membership. It argues that the debates reflected a struggle to transition from an emotional regime shaped by historical ties to the Soviet Union (Russia), characterised by secrecy and emotional control, towards a foreign policy emphasising transparency and pluralism. The analysis identifies four themes associated with negative emotions: independence, economy, welfare state, and democracy. The findings indicate that political emotions were closely connected to nation’s historical experiences, influencing perceptions of the EU. Ultimately, the study shows that emotions, when intertwined with historical experiences, can serve as rational guides in navigating uncertain futures, challenging traditional Western views that prioritise rationality over emotions.

The challenges of the CoVID-19 pandemic, which pose a threat to the global economy and society, as well as transport and its infrastructure, have been studied. The purpose of the study is to determine the current state of the European Union as a unique and one-of-a-kind integration association and to answer the question of what damage was caused to the European Union by the pandemic that began in 2020 and continues to this day. Statistical data proving the negative impact of COVID-19 and the measures taken by the European Union to overcome the crisis caused by the rapid spread of the coronavirus infection have been analyzed. Special attention has been paid to the consideration of the measures taken at the legislative level. The EU institutions have sufficient power, considering political and economic processes, to develop and adopt international legal acts capable of reviving the economy. According to the founding treaties, the EU members are obliged to comply with the provisions of newly adopted international legal acts. There is a directly proportional relationship between transport and its infrastructure development and the growth of the states’ economy. The legal acts developed to support the EU economy and each of the member states, as well as the transport industry, have been analyzed. General scientific and special research methods were used.

The article analyses the evolution of Poland’s foreign trade between 2004 and 2023, set within the broader framework of the European Union’s (EU) Common Commercial Policy (CCP). International trade remains a key driver of global economic integration, shaped by classical theories such as Smith’s absolute advantage and Ricardo’s comparative advantage, as well as modern concepts of economic integration. Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004 marked a turning point in its trade development, providing access to the single market and the EU’s extensive network of trade agreements. The study examines changes in trade volume, dynamics, and structure – both geographical and product-based – to assess the impact of EU membership on Poland’s position in the international division of labour.A descriptive approach was applied, combining a review of the literature with statistical data from OEC to identify trends and structural shifts in Polish exports and imports. The analysis reveals that EU integration led to a substantial increase in trade value, stronger ties with EU markets, and gradual diversification towards non-EU destinations. The period studied includes key external shocks such as the 2008–2009 global financial crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the economic repercussions of the war in Ukraine, each leaving a distinct imprint on trade flows.The findings confirm the research hypothesis, showing that Poland’s EU membership significantly boosted the value, dynamics, and geographical diversification of its foreign trade. While Germany remains Poland’s dominant trading partner, the growing role of other EU members and China highlights an ongoing diversification strategy. The study contributes to the literature on trade integration by offering an in-depth analysis of a post-transition economy’s trade trajectory within the EU framework, providing insights into the interplay between policy alignment, market access, and external shocks in shaping trade patterns.

ABSTRACT This paper examines the macroeconomic effects of Croatia’s EU membership during its first decade. Using the synthetic control method, the study estimates synthetic values for key indicators, including GDP, aggregate demand components, gross value added, labour productivity, and gross national income, covering 1997–2023. By comparing actual and synthetic values, the analysis reveals significant positive impacts, particularly in exports, imports, investment, GVA in tertiary sector, and gross national income, with effects intensifying over time. Despite limitations from pre-accession macroeconomic imbalances, cumulative membership benefits are substantial. Robustness is confirmed through placebo tests in time and space. The study also highlights the deepening of EU integration, including Croatia’s entry into the Eurozone and Schengen Area, alongside increased EU funds, as key drivers of positive outcomes post-2020. These findings underscore the transformative role of EU membership and point to new research directions on the broader economic implications of Croatia’s integration milestones.

The EU’s ambition to achieve climate neutrality by 2050, alongside its pursuit of strategic autonomy in critical raw materials such as lithium, often finds itself at odds with its own environmental regulations, binding on both member states and candidates. Serbia – a candidate for EU membership and a country possessing substantial lithium deposits – epitomises this inherent tension, enabling an analysis that extends beyond the confines of a single national jurisdiction. The paper contends that the feasibility of lithium extraction in the EU candidate countries entails the subordination of the Union’s legal standards to its overarching economic and strategic imperatives.

This article investigates how evolving frameworks of corporate social responsibility and environmental, social and governance regulation shape the social dimension of climate policy in the European Union, the United States and Ukraine. It traces the gradual shift from corporate social responsibility as a voluntary, reputational practice towards its juridification and integration into climate and sustainable development governance. The analysis is based on qualitative doctrinal and structured comparative methods and focuses on legal and policy instruments. In the European Union, corporate social responsibility has progressively evolved into a dense system of binding environmental, social and governance obligations, forming an emerging acquis on corporate sustainability. A set of EU legal acts transforms sustainability reporting and due diligence into legal duties, extends responsibility along global value chains and operationalizes concepts such as double materiality and just transition. Corporate social responsibility and environmental, social and governance obligations are not confined to a single policy field but cut across company law, environmental and climate policy, and the protection of fundamental rights, thereby linking corporate governance with climate mitigation, environmental protection and social justice. By contrast, in the United States, the dominant trajectory remains one of voluntary, market- and reputation-driven corporate social responsibility and climate engagement. Ukraine occupies a hybrid position between these models: as a candidate for EU membership, it is required to approximate its legislation to the EU acquis in the fields of company law, environment and climate change, and fundamental rights, including through the phased introduction of sustainability reporting based on European Sustainability Reporting Standards and the broader integration of environmental, social and governance considerations into corporate and public governance. The analysis demonstrates that the social dimension of climate policy is not an ancillary concern but a constitutive element of contemporary climate governance. Corporate social responsibility can contribute meaningfully to climate neutrality and sustainable development only when embedded in legal and institutional arrangements that render the social and human-rights consequences of climate transition visible, reportable and, to some extent, enforceable. In this sense, the transformation of corporate social responsibility into binding environmental, social and governance obligations in the European Union, the persistence of predominantly voluntary approaches in the United States and the cross-sectoral, capacity-dependent challenges faced by Ukraine offer contrasting, yet interconnected, pathways for integrating social justice and human rights into climate policy.

ABSTRACT Current literature offers various theoretical explanations of what can affect citizens’ opinions on the issue of further EU unification, yet these remain untested in candidate states. This paper contributes by presenting novel insights into the puzzle of sudden shifts in attitudes towards the EU unification in a state closest to achieving the EU membership: Montenegro. Using OLS regression with survey design weights on European Social Survey Waves 9 and 10 data (N = 2478) I show that: 1) voters of the dominant party and its junior partners in ‘European Montenegro’ coalitions became significantly more Eurosceptic over time picking up the ‘blame the EU’ narrative; 2) voters of interest-driven Europhiles (Pro-Serb parties) remained Eurosceptic; while 3) voters of traditionally pro-EU ‘Civic’ parties became suddenly Eurosceptic due to coalitional heuristics. The findings have implications for understanding the effect of party signalling in candidate states and offer new evidence for EU integration debates.

ABSTRACT This article conceptualises the Hungarian rule of law crisis and Brexit as membership crises of the EU, compares their origins and explains the differences in their resolution, while providing general insights into the labour of the EU polity-in-the-making. I trace the intractability of membership crises back to the defining features of the EU as a polity, which created space for opportunistic behaviour of political entrepreneurs with possibly damaging consequences. More specifically, I argue that membership crises in the EU stem from domestic party politics, with governing parties leveraging Euroscepticism for political gain, rather than widespread public opposition to the Union or as a reflection of EU political developments. In terms of crisis management, in the case of Brexit, the EU’s politics of containment succeeded not merely in transcending but also, on some occasions, in turning the polity’s weaknesses into strength, although only after the referendum rupture. In the case of the rule of law crisis, conversely, weaknesses accumulated, aggravated by the slow-moving progression of the crisis, which explains why the EU has struggled to find an adequate response.

This article analyses Türkiye’s multidimensional engagement in Somalia through Barry Buzan’s five-sector security model. It argues that Türkiye has positioned itself as a hybrid state-builder operating outside traditional Western and Gulf frameworks. The February 2024 Defence and Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement institutionalised Türkiye’s role as both a security guarantor and economic partner amid growing instability in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa. Relying on open-source data, policy documents, and strategic commentary, the study highlights Türkiye’s emphasis on bilateralism, religious affinity, and infrastructure-led development. While this approach enables rapid and visible influence-building, it also raises concerns over elite-centric governance, economic dependency, and regional polarization. For NATO and EU members – such as Hungary, which contributes to EUTM-Somalia – Türkiye’s model offers insights into non-Western security partnerships in fragile states. The Somali case illustrates how emerging powers use integrated, sectoral strategies to expand influence, with long-term outcomes shaped by inclusivity, transparency, and local ownership.

Two interrelated factors determine Montenegro’s relationship with the universal protection of human rights. First, regaining independence in 2006 with the intent to build a State based on democracy, the rule of law, and human rights. Second, the decision in 2008 to apply for membership in the EU. These two factors synergistically strengthen Montenegro’s interest in the universal protection of human rights. Upon reestablishing its independence, Montenegro did not start from a clean slate but also did not inherit a solid foundation regarding human rights. Despite the fact that its predecessor State, Yugoslavia had entered into most UN human rights treaties, the development of human rights was heavily influenced by four decades of socialist self-management. Montenegro succeeded these treaties and acceded new UN treaties in which the predecessor State was not a party. This historical situation required that Montenegro incorporate new treaties into its national law and align it with the development of old UN treaties. Indeed, Montenegro adopted new legislation and inserted several provisions into the Constitution and various laws to give effect to the CRPD in its internal legal system. It also added many new provisions to the Constitution and laws or amended existing ones to align its internal law with the development of older treaties. The process of reforming its internal law to secure the effects of UN human rights treaties in its internal legal system has been ongoing through dialogue with UN Member States via the Human Rights Council and with experts of monitoring human rights bodies. Montenegro submitted its national reports, responded to raised questions, carefully considered all recommendations, and accepted and implemented most of them. It has served two terms as a Member of the Human Rights Council, actively participating in and contributing to its work. Montenegro’s activities regarding the universal protection of human rights are integral to the broader reforms leading to its EU membership. The EU Commission has carefully considered and positively evaluated these activities.

The integration of the Western Balkan countries into the European Union is a key element of the EU’s enlargement policy and a strategic priority for regional stability, economic development and democratic consolidation. Despite varying degrees of progress, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia continue to pursue EU membership as a path to institutional reform and socio-economic progress. While reaffirming its commitment to enlargement, the EU has linked eligibility for membership to comprehensive reforms in governance, the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and the fight against corruption. However, the accession process has been slow and complex, influenced both by internal political dynamics within the candidate countries and by growing enlargement fatigue among EU member states. This paper examines the current state of EU-Western Balkans relations, the challenges and opportunities facing the accession process, and the geopolitical implications of further EU enlargement to the region. A successful enlargement would not only integrate the Western Balkans into the EU’s political and economic framework but also strengthen the Union’s strategic presence in Southeastern Europe in the face of increasing global competition.

The article analyzes the main stages of the formation, development of relations, and integration policy of Ukraine toward the European Union. The author examines the motivational factors and driving principles behind the accession of independent Ukraine to the democratic European cultural and civilizational space and its integration into the powerful European Union, which today unites 27 countries of the continent. It is emphasised that the EU occupies a prominent place in the modern world and is of great importance for the development of our country and society on democratic principles, that the expansion and deepening of economic ties with the countries of the united Europe are the foundations and cornerstone of Ukraine's accession and desired entry into the European Union as a full member. At the dawn of Ukraine’s independent trajectory, on December 2, 1991, Brussels adopted a Declaration, which welcomed the expression of will by the Ukrainian people and supported the course toward independent development chosen by official Kyiv. On December 5, 1991, the Ukrainian Parliament in its Address to the Parliaments and Peoples of the World, similarly endorsed the fundamental provisions of the European Union’s Declaration. With the signing in 1994 of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU – a ten-year agreement ratified in 1998 – bilateral relations entered a phase of progressively intensive development and advanced steadily forward. The chosen course of our state and society toward European integration has always enjoyed support from the European Union and its leading member states. At the same time, as the author notes, the Ukrainian authorities did not always pursue this course consistently; in particular, in 2003 and 2013 there were certain deviations. The government’s decision to postpone the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU caused significant turbulence and led to protests, initially involving young people and later broader sections of society, which went down in history as Euromaidan. The author analyzes the stages and distinctive features of Ukraine’s path toward the European Union, including the complicating circumstances of Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine and the potential for accelerated progress through the relevant stages and procedures following the signing of the Association Agreement in 2014 and the Application for EU membership in 2022 after Russia’s full-scale invasion. The article identifies the objectives and challenges of the current stage of negotiations, as well as the imperative to achieve consensus among EU member states regarding Ukraine’s accession to the integration union.

Abstract. The article examines the dynamics of public attitudes toward Ukraine`s European integration in the context of political transformations, economic crises, and security challenges. It demonstrates that the key predictors of shifts in public opinion included domestic political events (such as the Orange Revolution, the 2010–2012 elections, and the Revolution of Dignity), external political factors (the signing of the Association Agreement, visa liberalization, as well as the EU`s support in 2022), economic recessions, and security threats. Particular attention is paid to the impact of Russia`s full-scale war against Ukraine, which became the principal consolidating factor and led to a sharp increase in support for the European integration course, while simultaneously reducing regional disparities in attitudes toward the EU. In this context, the analysis of regional, age, and socio-demographic differences reveals a gradual decrease in the traditional divides between Western and eastern regions, as well as the growth of pro-European orientations among older generations after 2014 and especially in 2022–2023. At the same time, the role of citizens` expectations and value orientations is emphasized, as most Ukrainians associate EU membership with economic growth, higher living standards, and institutional reforms, while certain concerns remain regarding migration challenges, implications for Ukrainian businesses, and risks of cultural homogenization. The study underscores that public attitudes toward European integration serve not only as an indicator of social cohesion but also as a factor of policy legitimacy. Therefore, their consideration is crucial for the development of effective information campaigns and communication strategies aimed at sustaining the course of European integration. Future research may focus on the dynamics of public opinion in the context of war and post-war reconstruction, with attention to value-psychological and socio-cultural determinants. Keywords: European Union, European integration, public opinion, foreign policy priorities, democracy, political trust, political values.