The object of the write-up is to find out the problems and to give some tentative solutions for the reservation policy in India.The writer has concentrated his study only on Articles 15 (4), 16 (4), 46, 340, 341, 342 of the Constitution of India etc. to complete the project and to see that whether The writer has adopted analytical and descriptive methodology for this paper and he is relying on books, articles, newspapers, online databases.The careful interpretation of Article 15 (4), 16 (4) of the constitution of India to see that whether reservation policy is satisfactory and fulfills its objects.The writ up is limited to analyze the provisions of Article 15 (4), 16 (4) of the Constitution of India.The writer has based his research on case law also.The writer has formulated the following questions and has tried to find out the answer- What is the concept of reservation policy in India and is its purpose? Who are the weaker sections of society for which regarding reservation?

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The study presents the authors' approach to examining the economic security challenges faced by regions during the COVID-19 pandemic and proposes effective mechanisms for enhancing economic resilience across different types of territories. The authors developed a methodology for assessing regional economic security and analysed the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the financial security of Russian regions. The study also traces the overall dynamics of changes in economic security in Russia's regions from 2019 to 2021. Furthermore, the article outlines strategic directions for stabilising the socioeconomic situation and promoting economic security growth in Russian regions during the post-pandemic recovery period.

This paper argues that the ordoliberal case for fiscal rules does not follow from an ideological impetus, such as an idiosyncratic preference for low government spending, but is an attempt to propose rule-based solutions to various problems associated with unconstrained power to run deficits. The general approach of contemporary ordoliberal reasoning is outlined and applied to the question of fiscal rules. A review of the literature shows that constitutionally unconstrained fiscal policy leads to multiple undesirable consequences. It is argued that there are good reasons to presume that citizens themselves should demand some rule-based control of deficit spending, in order to avoid the high costs associated with increasing debt levels.

Globally, doctors have been warning policymakers and the public about the dangers of consuming products high in saturated fat, salt, and sugar, which contribute to obesity and various diseases. Consequently, numerous countries have adopted policies aimed at reducing the consumption of such products. This issue sparked public debate in Israel when, in 2016, the Israeli Minister of Health announced: "McDonald's out! Not in our country" and declared these products as the new 'public enemies'. This proclamation ignited a political struggle over product labelling, involving politicians, bureaucrats, interest groups, and the public. In 2017, the Knesset enacted a law mandating front-of-pack (FoP) food labelling (red stickers on packaging). Drawing on policy entrepreneurship literature and John Kingdon's multiple streams model, and utilising semi-structured interviews alongside written data sources, this research seeks to apply Kingdon's model to explain the different streams that led to the law's enactment. Within this context, the study also highlights the crucial role of the Director General of the Ministry of Health as the policy entrepreneur in promoting the FoP labelling of these products, while raising public awareness about the potential health risks of consuming unhealthy food.

This paper presents the new EU fiscal rules with a focus on its core element, the so-called debt sustainability analysis (DSA). Our results suggest, first, that the new rules will lead to substantial fiscal consolidation in the next years, albeit less severe than the austerity measures during the euro crisis; second, that the new rules are far less beneficial for public investment than previously thought; and third, that relatively minor changes to the DSA assumptions on ageing costs and interest rates can have important consequences for fiscal adjustment needs. However, even if some of the assumptions underlying the DSA methodology were to be changed, the additional fiscal space would still fall drastically short of the massive public investment needs of the EU's green transition. We conclude by making the case for an EU-wide debt-financed investment fund.

The reform of the European fiscal rules came into force on 30 April 2024. Like the former rules, the new rules impose a depressive bias on domestic fiscal policies, leaving member states with no fiscal room for manoeuvre. At the same time, the European Pillar of Social Rights sets ambitious targets for national social protection systems and requires increased social spending. To prevent the fiscal rules from imposing restrictive fiscal policies at the expense of economic activity and more important objectives such as social protection, the green transition and defence, a new form of governance would be required. This would entail abandoning arbitrary targets for public deficits and debts, and accepting increases in social contributions and taxation when necessary.