In scholarly literature, it is often assumed that the elevation of Marcian (450–457) was a result of an agreement between Aspar and the Empress Pulcheria; sometimes another general, Zeno, is thought to be a significant figure in this election. However, it is unclear how Zeno was involved and whether he even was in Constantinople at the time. Equally unclear is what Aspar's official position was – he may have been a general, but what sort of general? The article offers some possibilities and further argues that Zeno, although absent, was essential for Aspar's plans. Aspar may have managed to convince the Empress and all the courtiers that Marcian was the best choice; however, he still needed to secure Zeno's support and avoid a civil war, as Zeno had been suspected of mutiny. Further, we may well ask whether the accession of Marcian was an election at all, or rather a "surrogate usurpation" which was a common thing in the 5th century in the West: it can be argued that just like Ricimer, Aspar did not aspire to the imperial title himself, but conveniently, there was a suitable candidate among his servants. Another puzzle is the interregnum between the death of Theodosius II and the accession of Marcian. It lasted for 28 days, which is much more than with any other case of imperial election. The logical conclusion is that several weeks were required to find Zeno (whose location in the East was apparently unknown), brief him and ask him to come to Constantinople to give his approval and support for the choice of Marcian. The article thus tries to answer an important question: was the accession of Marcian a convenient way of Aspar to preserve and even enhance his own standing without altering or disrupting the power structure in the East?

This study focuses on the Galganum herbal, a medical handbook from the Late Middle Ages that discusses the effects of plants, with particular emphasis on the preservation of its Latin manuscripts. The primary problem addressed is the incomplete documentation and cataloging of surviving manuscripts of this herbal, which has led to gaps in understanding its textual transmission and variations. The study seeks to answer the question of how the Galganum Herbal was preserved across different regions, particularly in Central Europe, and how its Latin manuscripts are connected to later vernacular translations, especially in Old Czech. The paper also mentions the medical collection Melleus liquor, in which the herbal is often survived. By systematically reviewing manuscript collections, the research aims to clarify the relationship between the Latin and vernacular versions and to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the textual variants and the broader context in which the herbal circulated. By examining the macrostructure of entries and the broader Melleus liquor context, the study lays the groundwork for future research to categorize the manuscripts and further illuminate tradition of this popular medical text.

The present contribution summarizes all relevant information about Etruscan numerals, to analyze them from the point of view of their internal structure and possible external relations. These are taken in account in both senses, areal, where the probable donor-language is Phoenician/Punic, and genetic, first within the Tyrsenian language family, secondly with Hurrian and Urartian, thirdly with North Caucasian.

This article analyses a novel aspect of euergetism or civil munificence in the Greek cities of the Roman Empire. A spiritual component is observed in this relations between the elite and the rest of the demos; indeed, since charitable actions are appreciated and reciprocated with representations and honours similar, sometimes, to those paid to the gods highlighting that they are close, they attend to their prayers and resolve their hardships. This perspective is structured around three elements: the non-elite citizen needs the physical presence of someone who cares about them; the euergetes is a benefactor, especially in terms of the material goods that he distributes among the community and, above all, those that enable what is considered the life of a true Greco-Roman citizen; the power of the elite is legitimized through symbolism and its representation. The phenomenon, which had been defined in the Hellenistic era, gained momentum and found its true expression during the Roman Empire, peaking in the second century A.D.

Aristophanes' plays, unknown to the Latin Middle Ages, were reintroduced in Renaissance Italy at the dawn of the Quattrocento. Latin versions and related commentaries were the principal form in which Aristophanes was introduced into the high Latin culture of the Western world. Thanks to the humanistic Latin translations of the plays, scholars gained access to the Greek text of the comic poet, who figured prominently in the school curriculum of the time. In particular, the Byzantine triad (Pl. Nu. Ra.) played a decisive role in the Renaissance education system. This study will focus on the unedited and little-known Latin glosses to Aristophanes' Nubes, autograph of the Italian humanist Guarino of Verona, which are preserved in the manuscript Pal. gr. 116 (sec. XIV) at the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana in Vatican City. Guarino purchased his Greek manuscript of Aristophanes in Constantinople on March 1, 1406, and used it in his Greek studies under the instruction of Manuel Chrysoloras (1403–1408). His glosses on the ancient comedy represent the first attempt to render Aristophanes into Latin in the Western world.

The article focuses on extant examples of a collection of miracles associated with the feast of the Visitation (Miracula beate Marie Visitacionis) which was written by the third Archbishop of Prague, John of Jenstein (died 1400). Based on a paleographic, codicological and textual analysis of four manuscripts which include the text of this work, the authors show that Miracula beate Marie Visitacionis has been preserved in two versions – Jenstein's own version (as a separate work) and a modified version (forming part of a work entitled Institucio festivitatis Visitacionis). The article presents the main differences between these two versions of the text of Miracula beate Marie Visitacionis, characterises their relationship, and describes the circumstances, in which Jenstein's miracle collection was created.

Autobiography in the Middle Ages is still a much debated concept. Several autobiographical writings of medieval secular rulers as well as biographies of high church dignitaries and prominent theologians have survived. The Gesta Innocentii III, written around 1209–1210, occupies a distinctive place in papal historiography. While its authorship has long been debated, the text has not been systematically studied from the perspective of autobiography. For this reason, the present study analyses the autobiographical elements in the Gesta Innocentii III by comparing selected passages from this text with the literary works authored by Innocent III. The analysis identifies strong thematic and lexical parallels with Innocent's genuine writings and therefore suggests Innocent's active role in shaping his biography, even if parts of the work derive from curial compilation. The Gesta thus emerges as a hybrid text, positioned between biography and autobiography, which reshapes our understanding of Innocent's self-representation and contributes to broader discussions of authority and subjectivity in medieval literature.

In this paper, the influence of Cornelius Gallus on the works of Ragusan humanist poet Ilija Crijević is examined using digital databases. Crijević quotes part of a verse written by Gallus, domina dicere digna mea, even though the so-called New Gallus fragment was found centuries after Crijević composed his Carmina. Further indications were found of Gallus' influence on Crijević, also detailed in the paper, a possible origin of which is discussed, with the authors concluding that Crijević likely referenced Gallus' works directly. Thus, the final section of the paper is dedicated to a discussion of where Crijević could have accessed Gallus' Carmina, and the possible fate of that manuscript. The authors determine that Luko Stulli, also from Dubrovnik, citing almost an entire verse from the New Gallus fragment, likely consulted Gallus directly, leading to the conclusion that a copy of Gallus' text existed in Dubrovnik until, at least, the 19th century.