ABSTRACT Intelligence scholars have described the contemporary availability of Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT) and the entrance of civil society actors into the field of intelligence as a “democratization of intelligence”, thereby portraying a fundamentally positive and inclusive enterprise. Assessing the implications of the recent explosion of OSINT groups and activists for traditional state intelligence actors, this article instead introduces the concept of de-monopolization. A turn to de-monopolization brings attention to the struggles arising when civil society actors enter the field of intelligence. The article outlines two different forms of struggle currently affecting state intelligence actors: a struggle over insights and a struggle over epistemic authority. Describing these contemporary tendencies and their impact on state intelligence work, the article then discusses how an increase in OSINT by civil society actors generates new tasks for intelligence actors, introduces new ideals, and pushes state intelligence agencies to defend their expertise in public.

ABSTRACT This article analyses the integration of the Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) agenda into Canada’s Women, Peace and Security (WPS) commitments, with a particular focus on the third National Action Plan on WPS (CNAP3). Drawing on feminist security studies and intergenerational justice frameworks, the article examines how youth are framed across departmental implementation plans, using a quantitative comparison grid and policy analysis. While CNAP3 marks a rhetorical shift toward youth inclusion, it lacks the operational depth, funding mechanisms, and accountability structures required for transformative engagement. The findings reveal tensions between discursive recognition and structural exclusion, highlighting the risks of symbolic inclusion and instrumentalization. The article argues that youth must be recognized as present-day political actors shaping peace and security, and calls for a feminist peace strategy grounded in coherence, redistribution, and co-governance.

RÉSUMÉ L’absence d’études scientifiques de l’atterrissage de la Politique d’assistance internationale féministe (PAIF) en Amérique latine et les Antilles, a motivé cette étude de l’ancrage de la PAIF en Haïti, un partenaire clé du Canada dans la région. L’étude documente l’évolution de la coopération et son volet égalité des genres (EG) entre 2015 et 2025 -- au niveau des discours, des dépenses, des projets et de leurs résultats, surtout dans les secteurs de la justice et la sécurité. Guidé par un cadre théorique féministe institutionnaliste, elle documente la construction sociale de cette coopération par Affaires mondiales et d’autres acteurs canadiens, en consultation avec des partenaires féministes de la société civile et avec l’État haïtien. Elle démontre comment, dans le contexte de la crise multidimensionnelle et de politiques canadiennes parfois mal adaptées, cela a mené à une augmentation du contenu EG après l’adoption de la PAIF, puis à une légère régression depuis 2023. Elle documente des résultats probants surtout dans les projets avec la société civile, en soulignant l’importance de continuer à appuyer l’EG dans la Police. L’étude termine avec des leçons pour la coopération canadienne, son évaluation et son étude scientifique.

ABSTRACT This analysis examines the support for Arctic policies among various constituencies in Canada. The first objective is to assess the types of policies that are more popular regarding the Arctic. The second objective is to assess which socio-demographic groups are more likely to support specific types of Arctic policies. We surveyed 2,081 Canadian respondents in July and August 2024. We found that Canadians perceive the Canadian Arctic first and foremost as a space to defend militarily, rather than an environment to protect or a region to develop economically. Constituencies supporting military or environmental initiatives in the Arctic differed from those supporting similar initiatives in the rest of the country. This analysis highlights the importance of gender and language as significant socio-demographic variables driving support for specific Arctic policies.

ABSTRACT This paper examines Canada's evolving engagement in the Israel-Palestine conflict as a lens to interrogate the interplay between like-minded and principled multilateralism in Canadian foreign policy. Situating the analysis within middle power theory and the post-World War II multilateral tradition, it advances the concept of selective multilateralism-a strategically reactive posture that reconciles normative aspirations with the structural constraints of alliance politics. Through a historical and contemporary analysis spanning 1947 to the aftermath of the October 7 Hamas attacks, the study traces how Canada's positions have oscillated between declarative support for international law and practical alignment with Western bloc priorities. Drawing on UN voting records, official statements, and policy episodes under successive governments, it demonstrates that while moments of principled action-such as arms embargoes or support for humanitarian mechanisms-persist, they are frequently offset by abstentions, rhetorical hedging, or reluctance to hold allies accountable. The post-October 7 period, marked by intensified geopolitical polarization, reveals both the capacity and the limits of selective multilateralism in sustaining Canada's credibility as a bridge-builder. The paper concludes that Canada's future relevance in multilateral diplomacy will hinge on its ability to pair legal consistency with credible strategic engagement, even when doing so entails political and alliance costs.

ABSTRACT In the competition between the United States and China, innovation in digital technology plays a key role in both economic and military capacities. China, a rival of the U.S., has been increasing its influence by providing military assistance to other nations. This study aims to explore the impact of China’s progress in digital technology on its military support as a reflection of its readiness to challenge U.S. dominance. As China’s digital technology capabilities grow, it is clear that their increased military aid to authoritarian countries, rogue states, countries hostile to the U.S., rising powers, and U.S. allies in the Indo-Pacific region signifies a clear intention for power transition as a revisionist. As China’s digital technology capabilities grow, empirical evidence confirms that Chinese military assistance is being directed towards rogue nations, countries hostile to the U.S., and rising global powers.

ABSTRACT Canada's pursuit of Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) is analysed using discourse network analysis to trace the policy debate and evolution of discourse coalitions from 2014 to 2023. The study reveals a shift from early technical discussions to a policy debate increasingly focused on climate change, feasibility, economic benefits, and international partnerships. A pro-SMR coalition, initially composed of industry and provincial actors, expanded to include federal agencies, multilateral organizations, and foreign governments and firms, gaining influence through strategic narratives and institutionalization efforts. While polarization has decreased, contentious issues like nuclear waste, safety, and economic viability persist. The study identifies key actors who served as information bridges within the network and reveals how the coalition's narrative aligns with international discourses on clean and affordable energy.

ABSTRACT This article explores the often-overlooked domain of financial intelligence (FININT) and its growing significance within the intelligence landscape, particularly through open-source financial intelligence (OSINT FININT). The paper begins by defining FININT and distinguishing it from other intelligence disciplines, with a specific focus on how financial data, traditionally confined to governmental use, is increasingly available through open sources. Key sources of open-source financial intelligence, including blockchain data and leaked financial records, are examined, demonstrating how these sources empower OSINT researchers to uncover corruption, terrorism financing, and illicit financial activity. The article also discusses the practical applications of OSINT FININT, as well as its limitations – such as issues of privacy, accuracy, and ethical concerns. Finally, the article sets forth a research agenda to address the growing complexities and ethical challenges posed by the open accessibility of financial intelligence. By mapping out the emerging landscape of FININT, this paper aims to provide a foundation for future academic inquiry into the evolving role of financial intelligence in global security and governance.

ABSTRACT This paper describes and assesses recent international activism by Canadian provinces – also known as “paradiplomacy” with an emphasis on interaction with American states. The title of this paper is a play on the cliché about placing new wine in old bottles; meaning trying to squeeze something new into an established pattern or order. We argue the bottles (established order) have changed but the wine being poured into them has not (familiar strategies); same wine into new bottles. We simply ask why that is the case and theorize that established strategies are the result of embedded ideas regarding the legitimacy of specific subfederal foreign relations and just as much about the pursuit of provincial objectives in Canadian federalism as international goals. As an extension, we conclude that familiar subfederal strategies retain a functionalism and consistency in Canadian federalism that disincentivizes strategic innovation.