This article delves into the ongoing conflict in Western Sahara, emphasizing the recent rise in hostilities and the breakdown of the ceasefire between Morocco and the Frente POLISARIO. It analyzes the historical origins of the conflict and the establishment of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) in 1991. Through a comprehensive analysis of the challenges faced by MINURSO, particularly regarding voting eligibility and human rights, the article underscores the detrimental impacts of the mission’s compromised impartiality, particularly focusing on the implications of the United States’ biased foreign policy. In proposing policy recommendations, the article advocates for renewed UN Security Council involvement and neutrality, to reignite negotiations towards a referendum for self-determination. It warns of escalating tensions and the risk of full-scale conflict, emphasizing the importance of immediate action to maintain peace in Western Sahara and uphold the region’s stability within the broader Maghreb context.

In 1784, American merchant and soon-to-be United States consul to China—Samuel Shaw— embarked upon a six-month journey to Canton aboard the Empress of China. Backed by the United States Government and fellow capitalists, Shaw’s voyage marked the beginning of relations between the newly independent United States and China. This paper will explore the motivations behind Shaw’s voyages by analyzing relevant primary documents alongside the context in which they were produced. Central to this paper’s arguments are Shaw’s journals , which are some of the only surviving documents from the earliest American trade delegations to China. Using these sources, this paper concludes that while trade with China was profitable, the profits involved were negligible in the context of the gruelling journey across the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Rather, this paper argues that the voyage to China was driven by a newly independent nation’s deeply rooted desire to project its sovereignty to the wider world. In other words, the Empress of China was guided by an ideal that reverberates across American history and popular imagination: independence.

From 1901-1942, the Ethical Policy era in the Dutch East Indies was a period when ‘ethical’ colonial policies, which sought to retain the cultural integrity and welfare of the Indonesian people were introduced by Dutch colonial authorities. These ethical policies included strengthening Indonesia’s agricultural economy to bolster local welfare, as well as integrating traditional Indonesian laws and values (adat) into their labour policies—particularly for female labourers. This paper explores the effects of Dutch Ethical Policy on the labour conditions for Indonesian women by examining the consequences of agricultural expansion, how adat is retained in labour policies, perceptions of Dutch versus Indonesian women, and the female night labour bill of 1925. It posits that the Netherlands used pretenses of promoting Indonesian welfare and retaining traditional customs to justify and cover their complacency in the hazardous labour conditions for Indonesian women as a means to earn more profit from crop yields.

The United Nations Peacekeeping operations involve a diverse array of stakeholders on the decision-making and enforcement side, ranging from senior officials to troops and civilian personnel, whose backgrounds and perspectives significantly impact mission effectiveness. Gender considerations within recruitment does form an important part of UN’s engagement especially within its foundational mandate of Women, Peace, and Security as outlined in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. Intersectionality along with cultural contexts within host countries further complicate the recruitment process. Furthermore, while the deliberate inclusion of women is advocated, it often leads to reinforcing stereotypical roles and ‘side streaming; of gender rather than genuine ‘mainstreaming; practices. This paper examines the interconnected challenges of gender stereotypes, cultural understanding, and diversity and inclusivity in peacekeeping recruitment. It argues for a strategic, asset-based, inclusive approach to recruitment and deployment of female peacekeepers, coupled with enhanced cultural sensitivity. Drawing on existing literature and examples, the paper proposes policy recommendations aimed at fostering effective peacekeeping without reinforcing gender stereotypes.

This essay examines the European Union’s (EU) response to refugee migration, focusing on policy contributions, national approaches, and prospects for collaboration. By analyzing the 2015 European migrant crisis and the ongoing Ukrainian refugee crisis, it elucidates the complexities surrounding refugee migration in the EU. The study explores EU legislative developments, including the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, and evaluates divergent national perspectives, ideological barriers, and challenges to collaboration within the organization. It underscores the importance of solidarity and equitable burden-sharing in addressing refugee migration. Using theoretical analysis and empirical evidence, this paper offers insights into the EU’s efforts to manage refugee migration and the implications for future policymaking and collaboration.

The divergent trajectories in the legalization of same-sex marriage amidst disparate levels of religiosity challenges conventional wisdom about the relationship between religion, state, and society. Contrary to the conventional belief that higher religiosity in countries fosters conservative views and resistance to progressive social reforms, Argentina and Chile present an intriguing anomaly. Utilizing data from the World Values Survey and examining the historical, political, and social contexts of each country, this paper seeks to understand why Argentina, with its higher religiosity and constitutional favoritism towards Catholicism, became the first Latin American country to legalize same-sex marriage in 2010, while Chile, less religious but more socially conservative, followed much later in 2021. The paper explores the divergent pre and post-dictatorship economic philosophies, governmental structures, sociopolitical landscapes and the distinct roles of the Catholic Church in 21st century Chilean and Argentine politics. It argues that in Argentina, individual political views and a vibrant civil society have developed independently of religious beliefs, fostering a political culture more open to progressive social reform. Conversely, Chile’s entrenched neoliberal policies and the Catholic Church’s sustained influence in Chilean civil society align with more conservative social values, impeding similar progress. These findings challenge the assumption that higher levels of religiosity necessarily correlate with social conservatism and underscore the complex interplay between religion, government, and social values. This research not only illuminates the nuanced dynamics at play in the legal recognition of same-sex marriage in Latin America but also suggests broader implications for understanding the impact of religiosity on political and social attitudes globally.

This article critically analyzes the Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam (CDHRI) and its relationship with the widely recognized Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which guarantees and protects human rights for all regardless of gender, social and economic situations. Adopted by 45 Islamic states in 1990, the CDHRI is often portrayed as complementing the UDHR but is rooted in Sharia Law, leading to tensions between universal and cultural relativist perspectives on human rights. By using Saudi Arabia and Indonesia as case studies to illustrate the various manners the Sharia Law is implemented, this paper illustrates how the law in these countries amplifies social, physical, and structural violence specifically against gender and religious minorities, namely Shia. This highlights the immense disparities between international human rights norms and state-centric patriarchal norms. Additionally, by analyzing the legal frameworks of these states, specifically the Aceh region in Indonesia and Saudi Arabia as a whole, this article emphasizes the complex interplay between universalistic ideals and cultural relativism, emphasizing the need for a nuanced understanding of human rights in diverse cultural contexts.

This paper explores the complex landscape of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) politics in Brazil, and the country’s promotion of these human rights norms internationally. Despite Brazil’s image as a trailblazer in LGBTQ+ rights and inclusion, activists are challenged domestically by legislative hurdles and conservative movements. Brazil’s challenging domestic situation stands in stark contrast with the country’s role as a prominent advocate for SOGI norms internationally. This paper unpacks these contradictions and compares Brazil’s trajectory with those of Argentina and South Africa. A closer look at SOGI human rights norms in the Brazilian context reveals diverse pathways to human rights norm promotion. Despite setbacks, Brazil’s experience offers insights into the resilience of human rights advocacy and the potential for transformative change, advocating for a nuanced understanding of SOGI politics amidst diverse actors and contexts.

Little Jamaica, a Black community in North-Western Toronto, has been a site of belonging for members of the Caribbean and African diaspora for more than 70 years. However, the community is on the brink of erasure due to the multi-billion-dollar Metrolinx Eglinton Crosstown Light Rail Transit (LRT) project. Due to the denial of Little Jamaica as a heritage conservation district, the city has allowed for its destruction for capital accumulation. By exploring the complex relationship between a Black sense of place, urban planning and capital interests, this paper will examine the distressing case of Little Jamaica. In order to protect Black communities and support Black futures, we must challenge systemic anti-Blackness in urban planning.

The aim of this study is to investigate why Türkiye might be interested in acquiring nuclear weapons and pursuing armament, and understand whether its nuclear aspirations are truly feasible. In line with existing theoretical nuclear armament models, particularly through realist and idealist views, this paper will determine whether nuclear proliferation in Türkiye can be expected. Considering that in recent years the Middle East region has had points of tension in relation to nuclear developments, it is essential to consider the ways in which international norms, Türkiye’s domestic context, and the role of political figures have impacted Ankara’s nuclear energy policy and demands for nuclear Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). By providing a detailed critique, and by taking into account the significance of the re-election of Recep Tayyip Erdogan in the 2023 Presidential elections, this article will provide a nuanced understanding to Türkiye’s foreign and domestic policies, whilst providing a new perspective to armament theories.