ABSTRACT Technocratic governments in Italy, often portrayed as caretaker cabinets, have in fact played a pivotal role in reshaping the state. This article systematically analyses the reforms enacted by four technocratic cabinets – those of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, Lamberto Dini, Mario Monti, and Mario Draghi – between 1993 and 2022. Combining a longitudinal design with in-depth policy analysis, it examines administrative and welfare reforms across three dimensions: domain, scope, and policy orientation. The findings challenge the conventional view of technocracy as an exceptional response to crisis, showing instead that these executives have contributed to recurring patterns of state restructuring. While neoliberal and managerial orientations prevail across all cases, important variations in the scope of reform and in contextual conditions emerge. The analysis avoids deterministic interpretations by situating technocratic agency within the interplay between structural constraints and strategic intervention. Critical junctures – marked by uncertainty and external pressure – are shown to provide opportunities for technocratic actors to implement high-impact reforms with lasting implications. The article concludes that technocracy has become a normalized mode of policy intervention in Italy, particularly effective for advancing politically costly reforms under crisis conditions. These findings have broader implications for understanding the evolution of democratic governance.

ABSTRACT This article examines the recent reform of Cohesion Policy in Italy . It analyses the various measures introduced with the stated goal of enhancing policy effectiveness, which have concentrated power over regional policy and prompted a recentralization of Cohesion Policy governance from regional to national authorities. The article argues that this re-centralization forms part of a broader process that began in 2011 and represents a continuation of the ‘Lisbonisation’ of Cohesion Policy. It also situates this development within what may be described as a ‘bouncing back’ of the rescaling process initiated in the 1980s. This trend reflects the stronger role assumed by EU Member States following the crises of the past fifteen years and has been further reinforced by the European Union’s new economic policy agenda, including industrial policy. At the same time, however, it poses a challenge to the EU’s multilevel governance system.

ABSTRACT Italy has traditionally stood out for both high participation rates and positive attitudes towards the European Union. Over time, however, this picture has shifted. In the 2024 European parliamentary elections, Italy registered a historically high level of abstention, with a majority of eligible voters staying away from the polls. This study situates and explains that outcome in comparative perspective, drawing on longitudinal turnout data and two survey sources. It finds that abstention in Italy was not primarily the product of decisions made on or immediately before election day; circumstantial factors played only a limited role. Instead, non-voting reflects a longer-term pattern of aversion to, and distrust of, politics and politicians. The analysis also indicates that, although Italians are less likely than others to define themselves as lifelong abstainers, they ascribe to European elections many of the negative qualities they associate with national contests, reinforcing a broader trend of gradual disengagement. In addition to widespread feelings of poor representation and low political efficacy, attitudes towards the EU itself play an important part: Italian non-voters hold more negative views of the Union than their counterparts in other EU member states. Yet these abstainers are not markedly less interested in politics, nor do they appear wholly detached from it.

ABSTRACT This study examines transformations in electoral contestability at the sub-municipal level in the city of Turin between 1972 and 2022, a period marked by profound economic, social and political change. Turin is approached as a representative case of a post-industrial city, having undergone significant electoral shifts, particularly in its historically working-class districts. Drawing on the theoretical perspective of the ‘geography of discontent’, the analysis focuses on how electoral configurations have evolved in those areas most affected by long-term socio-economic disadvantage. The paper reconstructs changes in voting structures over the long run and provides a detailed examination of electoral competition, volatility, and contestability at the neighbourhood level. The empirical analysis is based on original polling-station data collected throughout the entire period under review, which has been re-aggregated by district. This methodological approach overcomes the limitations of standard aggregate data and enables a fine-grained longitudinal comparison, offering a clearer understanding of how local electoral dynamics have developed over time.

ABSTRACT This study investigates generational inequalities in perceived political representation in Italy. Drawing on original survey data (N = 1,004), we construct a Representation Index based on three salient issues (environmental protection, abortion, and Israel-Palestine conflict). Employing ordered logistic regression models, we find that younger generations, particularly Generation X, Millennials, and Gen Z, report significantly lower levels of perceived representation compared to older generations (Silent and Baby Boomers). These patterns persist across ideological and engagement profiles, suggesting a structural misalignment between party agendas and younger citizens’ priorities. Our findings highlight a critical representational gap with potential consequences for democratic responsiveness and legitimacy.

ABSTRACT This article examines how Italy, during its 2024 G7 presidency, pursued a middle-power strategy in the field of Artificial Intelligence (AI). After outlining the scope for middle-power initiatives in AI, the study identifies five key dimensions of middle-power strategies: bridging, multilateralism, niche diplomacy, norm entrepreneurship, and multi-actor engagement. These dimensions form the basis for analysing Italy’s foreign-policy actions. The analysis draws on 151 official records and other relevant documents, complemented by 12 semi-structured interviews with public officials, experts, and industry representatives. Findings reveal that Italy has employed several dimensions of a middle-power strategy, including acting as a North–South bridge, promoting multilateralism, and pursuing niche diplomacy grounded in ethical and inclusive principles. Italy’s flagship initiative, the AI Hub for Sustainable Development, exemplifies both bridging and multilateral approaches. The study concludes that Italy’s 2024 G7 presidency demonstrates a multidimensional middle-power strategy aimed at achieving foreign policy objectives in AI. These findings contribute to the broader literature on Italian foreign policy and middle-power strategies, offering new insights into how structurally constrained states can exert influence in areas dominated by great-power competition.