Abstract This article offers the first in-depth study of the name Sophia in antiquity and contributes to debates about the utility of onomastics for the study of Christianization. After the name Maria, Sophia became the second most popular female name representing 4.4% of women in 7th-century Egypt. Unique among Christian names etymologically rooted in a virtue, we argue Sophia should further be understood as a theophoric name. We describe a set of cyclical factors surrounding the idea of hagia sophia constituting the “wisdom feedback loop.” Christological controversy generated political turmoil, and a significant point of difficulty was Christ’s eternal sophia (1 Corinthians 1:24) and progression in sophia (Luke 2:52). Amidst on-going controversy, a politically attentive population was encouraged to self-represent as intellectually conscientious, making Sophia an appealing choice for families, adding more attention to Christ’s mysterious sophia , contributing to further controversy, causing renewed demand for sophia within society.

Abstract In Letter 4, Salvian wishes to reconnect with his in-laws, who have not accepted his conversiuncula , an ascetic turn characterized in particular by total continence. The extremely elaborate writing of the letter is marked by the strong imprint of rhetoric. However, this does not call into question the sincerity of the feeling. Salvian experiences rhetoric as a discursive mediation allowing the constructed analysis of the personal crisis he is facing and conditioning the formal modalities of the response he intends to provide in an attempt to resolve it. Rhetoric, however, is not an end in itself. There is a concrete goal here. The end sought by Salvian is love—love of his family and love of God.

Abstract The processes shaping the beliefs and ideologies of Galilean inhabitants during Late Antiquity include elements of rewriting traditions and appropriating myths as part of the Jewish-Christian polemical battle. In this article, I start by examining a Christian tradition from Late Antiquity that reconstructs episodes and images from the evangelical narrative, particularly the Passion of Jesus. Significantly, the tradition relocates the narrative from Jerusalem to its Jewish successor in Late Antiquity – Tiberias – the seat of Jewish leadership in the Galilee. This tradition emphasizes the power of icons and their ability to triumph over the Jews and thwart their schemes, in the very heart of their community and in their capital. Using this Christian tradition as a point of departure, I will outline several additional themes, which have parallels in Christian and Jewish literature and then assess the contribution of these themes to better understanding the religious ideological struggle in the Galilee during Late Antiquity.

Abstract The present article examines a brief miraculous story concerning the life of Mani, the reputed founder of Manichaeism, and his encounter with a “whale” or “sea-monster” ( κῆτος ). The article proposes a new interpretation of the story, situating it within the structure of the homiletic text of which it is a part as well as the biographical traditions of Mani more generally. Furthermore, the article examines the broader cultural context of the story through its relations to ancient narratives concerning encounters between animals and sages. It argues that the closest parallels are to be found in Buddhist avadāna traditions, and that there are good reasons to think that the Manichaean story represents a variation of these tales. It thereby provides striking evidence for the early Manichaean community’s engagement with Buddhist literary traditions and signals the need to revisit the relationship between Manichaeism and India.

Abstract Gregory of Tours begins De cursu stellarum ratio with a list of the Seven Wonders of the World, contrasting their impermanence with the natural wonders of God’s creation. Gregory’s list of the Seven Wonders is innovative, because it includes the Temple of Solomon, an idea that he got from a poem by Sidonius Apollinaris. The Seven Wonders, known in classical literature since the 2nd century BC, represent great feats of human ingenuity; Gregory’s inclusion of the Temple of Solomon demonstrates that it was even more splendid than pagan Wonders. However, some classical authors had used the Wonders to emphasize the ephemerality of man-made structures, and ascetic Christian authors argued the same thing about the Temple of Jerusalem. Gregory’s inclusion of the Temple of Solomon fuses these traditions, producing a powerful Christian statement both about the splendid Temple commanded by God, and about the ultimate ephemerality of human-made splendor.

Abstract In antiquity, Greek manuscripts underwent a shift toward segmented, non-linear reading, with chapter systems becoming a popular tool. While most New Testament texts quickly adopted chapter systems, Revelation was an exception, reflecting its ambiguous canonical status. This article argues that frequent use of a text, which necessitates segmentation, correlates with its canonicity due to its role in liturgy and pedagogical settings. Revelation’s lack of a chapter system materially signaled its non-canonical perception, as it appeared different from other New Testament texts. In the seventh century CE, Andrew of Caesarea addressed this issue by dividing Revelation into 24 logoi and 72 kephalaia. This segmentation technology not only facilitated its pedagogical use but also made Revelation visually and materially resemble canonical New Testament texts, reinforcing its place in the canon. Thus, Andrew’s chapter system was more than a mundane attempt to divide the text, it was a textual – canonical revolution.

Abstract Christians in Philomelium played a crucial role in the formation of the Martyrdom of Polycarp. A survey of hitherto unexplored material and literary data indicates that Philomelium was a prominent Hellenistic-era settlement and Roman conventus city located on the main transanatolian route of communication. This historical picture problematizes previous depictions of Philomelium as an insignificant city and has ramifications for the compositional background of MPol. Based on Philomelium’s stature and connectivity, I propose that Christians in the city received an initial version of Polycarp’s martyrdom because of and through their pre-existing connections with Christians in Smyrna. Interactions between the cities have implications for our understanding of network connectivity among early Christian groups.